When Lincoln came to Washington he had no experience in diplomacy or
statesmanship; as an attorney, he had dealt only with local and State
statutes; as a legislator, his experience was limited to provincial
affairs; his only knowledge of the operations of the general government
was acquired during the two years he was in Congress and from books that
he read. He had never argued a case before the Supreme Court, he had
never studied international law, he knew nothing of the organization
of armies, and he was unfamiliar with the relations between the Chief
Executive and his Cabinet; but we have seen in Chapter V. how promptly,
firmly, and conclusively, and at the same time with what tact and
diplomacy, he rebuked Seward's suggestion that he should surrender the
prerogatives of his office to the Secretary of State, how positive yet
how gentle was his treatment of Frémont, and how thorough his knowledge
of the laws of nations is disclosed by his correspondence concerning
the movement of troops through Maryland and Virginia, regarding the
suspension of the writ of _habeas corpus_, the arrest of Vallandigham,
and especially in connection with the Emancipation Proclamation.
President Lincoln made it a rule never to deny or explain any charge
against himself, nor to reply to an attack, except when the fortunes of
his country seemed to be involved; and when he did make a reply it was
always complete and satisfactory.
Almost the very moment that he crossed the threshold of the White House
Lincoln was confronted with the gravest diplomatic problem of his
experience, and its solution required not only knowledge of precedent
but skill in argument. The claim of the Confederacy to be recognized
as a nation by the powers of Europe had practically been waived by
President Buchanan when he admitted that the Federal government had
no authority to keep a State in the Union if it desired to secede.
This admission had been confirmed by the apparent acquiescence in the
withdrawal of South Carolina and other States; by the organization of
the Confederacy at Montgomery without interference or protest; by the
failure to reinforce Fort Sumter; and by Buchanan's practical abdication
of executive power when, in his message of January 8, 1861, he threw the
entire responsibility of the situation upon Congress.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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