Lincoln, Abraham, 1809-1865; Presidents -- United States -- Biography; United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865
It is now universally understood, if not conceded, that the Rebellion
of 1861 was begun for the sole purpose of defending and preserving to
the seceding States the institution of African slavery and making them
the nucleus of a great slave empire, which in their ambitious dreams
they hoped would include Mexico, Central America, and the West India
Islands, and perhaps even the tropical States of South America. Both a
real and a pretended fear that slavery was in danger lay at the bottom
of this design. The real fear arose from the palpable fact, impossible
to conceal, that the slave system was a reactionary obstacle in the
pathway of modern civilization, and its political, material,
philosophical, and religious development. The pretended danger was the
permanent loss of political power by the slave States of the Union, as
shown in the election of Lincoln to the presidency, which they averred
would necessarily throw all the forces of the national life against
the "peculiar institution," and crush it under forms of law. It was by
magnifying this danger from remote into immediate consequence that
they excited the population of the cotton States to resistance and
rebellion. Seizing this opportunity, it was their present purpose to
establish a slave Confederacy, consisting of the cotton States, which
should in due time draw to itself, by an irresistible gravitation of
sympathy and interest, first, the border slave States, and, in the
further progress of events, the tropical countries towards the
equator.
The popular agitation, or war of words between the North and the South
on the subject of slavery, which led to the armed insurrection was
threefold: First, the economic efforts to prevent the destruction of
the monetary value of four millions of human beings held in bondage,
who were bought and sold as chattels, and whose aggregate valuation,
under circumstances existing at the outbreak of the civil war, was
variously computed at $400,000,000 to $1,600,000,000; [Footnote: The
Convention of Mississippi, which passed the secession ordinance, in
its Declaration of Causes placed the total value of their property in
slaves at "four billions of money," This was at the rate of a thousand
dollars for each slave, an average absurdly excessive, and showing
their exaggerated estimate of the monetary value of the institution of
slavery.] second, a moral debate as to the abstract righteousness or
iniquity of the system; and, third, a political struggle for the
balance of power in government and public policy, by which the
security and perpetuity of the institution might be guaranteed.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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