Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 1 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 1 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
Mr. SHERMAN thought the principles of the motion, and the principles of
the bill, were inconsistent; the principle of the bill was to raise
revenue, the principle of the motion to correct a moral evil. Now,
considering it as an object of revenue, it would be unjust, because two
or three States would bear the whole burthen, while he believed they
bore their full proportion of all the rest. He was against receiving the
motion into this bill, though he had no objection to taking it up by
itself, on the principles of humanity and policy; and therefore would
vote against it if it was not withdrawn.
Mr. AMES joined the gentleman last up; no one could suppose him
favorable to slavery; he detested it from his soul; but he had some
doubts whether imposing a duty on the importation would not have the
appearance of countenancing the practice; it was certainly a subject of
some delicacy, and no one appeared to be prepared for the discussion. He
therefore hoped the motion would be withdrawn.
Mr. LIVERMORE was not against the principle of the motion; but in the
present case he conceived it improper. If negroes were goods, wares, or
merchandise, they came within the title of the bill; if they were not,
the bill would be inconsistent. But if they are goods, wares, or
merchandise, the five per cent. _ad valorem_ will embrace the
importation, and the duty of five per cent. is nearly equal to ten
dollars per head; so there is no occasion to add it even on the score of
revenue.
Mr. JACKSON said, it was the fashion of the day to favor the liberty of
slaves. He would not go into a discussion of the subject; but he
believed it was capable of demonstration that they were better off in
their present situation than they would be if they were manumitted. What
are they to do if they are discharged? Work for a living? Experience has
shown us they will not. Examine what has become of those in Maryland;
many of them have been set free in that State. Did they turn themselves
to industry and useful pursuits? No, they turn out common pickpockets,
petty larceny villains. And is this mercy, forsooth, to turn them into a
way in which they must lose their lives; for when they are thrown upon
the world, void of property and connections, they cannot get their
living but by pilfering. What is to be done for compensation? Will
Virginia set all her negroes free? Will they give up the money they cost
them, and to whom? When this practice comes to be tried there, the sound
of liberty will lose those charms which make it grateful to the ravished
ear. But our slaves are not in a worse situation than they were on the
coast of Africa. It is not uncommon there for the parents to sell their
children in peace; and in war, the whole are taken and made slaves
together. In these cases, it is only a change of one slavery for
another; and are they not better here, where they have a master, bound
by the ties of interest and law, to provide for their support and
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