Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 1 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 1 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
comfort in old age or infirmity, in which, if they were free, they would
sink under the pressure of woe for want of assistance?
He would say nothing of the partiality of such a tax; it was admitted by
the avowed friends of the measure; Georgia, in particular, would be
oppressed. On this account, it would be the most odious tax Congress
could impose.
Mr. SCHUREMAN hoped the gentleman would withdraw his motion, because the
present was not the time or place for introducing the business. He
thought it had better be brought forward in the House as a distinct
proposition. If the gentleman persisted in having the question
determined, he would move the previous question, if he was supported.
Mr. MADISON.--I cannot concur with gentlemen who think the present an
improper time or place to enter into a discussion of the proposed
motion. If it is taken up in a separate view, we shall do the same thing
at a greater expense of time. But gentlemen say that it is improper to
connect the two objects, because they do not come within the title of
the bill; but this objection may be obviated by accommodating the title
to the contents. There may be some inconsistency in combining the ideas
which gentlemen have expressed, that is, considering the human race as a
species of property; but the evil does not arise from adopting the
clause now proposed; it is from the importation to which it relates. Our
object in enumerating persons on paper with merchandise, is to prevent
the practice of actually treating them as such, by having them in future
forming part of the cargoes of goods, wares, and merchandise to be
imported into the United States. The motion is calculated to avoid the
very evil intimated by the gentleman.
It has been said that this tax will be partial and oppressive; but if a
fair view is taken of this subject, I think we may form a different
conclusion. But if it be partial or oppressive, are there not many
instances in which we have laid taxes of this nature? Yet are they not
thought to be justified by national policy? If any article is warranted
on this account, how much more are we authorized to proceed on this
occasion? The dictates of humanity, the principles of the people, the
national safety and happiness, and prudent policy require it of us. The
constitution has particularly called our attention to it; and of all the
articles contained in the bill before us, this is one of the last I
should be willing to make a concession upon, so far as I am at liberty
to go, according to the terms of the constitution or principles of
justice. I would not have it understood that my zeal would carry me to
disobey the inviolable commands of either.
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