Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 1 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 1 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
Before this committee proceed one step farther in this business, they
ought seriously to consider the situation of this country, and what will
be the consequence of appointing such an officer; consider how it will
affect the public in general, the revenue, and even the Government
itself. He is declared, in the list of duties assigned him in the paper
read yesterday by the gentleman from New York, (Mr. BENSON,) to have the
power to form and digest the accounts, and to control all the officers
of the department. It is evident, that we put his integrity to the
trial, by such an arrangement. If he is disposed to embezzle the public
money, it will be out of the power of the Executive itself to check or
control him in his nefarious practices. The extension of his business to
the collectors of at least fifty seaports, (over whom the naval officer
can have no control, with respect to the money received,) will furnish
abundant opportunities for peculation. In addition to the moneys arising
from the impost, he may have to do with large sums derived from other
quarters, from the sale of the vacant lands, the money of defaulters now
due to the United States, and the revenue arising from taxes and
excises. Admit these innumerable opportunities for defrauding the
revenue, without check or control, and it is next to impossible he
should remain unsullied in his reputation, or innoxious with respect to
misapplying his trust.
Other great opportunities may arise in case of an anticipation of the
public revenue; or, if it is necessary to prevent the injury which a
rapid depreciation of the securities would occasion to public credit, he
may be employed in purchasing them, in order to advance the credit of
the Union. But what is to prevent the greatest imposition in this
business? Charging them to the public at their nominal value, it is not
in the power of the Government to check this species of speculation;
what then is the situation of your officer? He must subject himself to
suspicion: indeed, it is as much as his reputation is worth to come into
a place of this kind; he can hardly preserve his integrity. His honor,
credit, and character, must inevitably be injured. He cannot prove
himself innocent of the suspicion, because it is the negative side of
the question. He can offer nothing more in his defence than a mere
denial of the crime.
There is another point which ought to be well considered: This officer
is to digest and form the accounts. He can consequently give the
business such complexity, as to render it impossible to detect his
impositions; and as the inferior officers, who might discover the fraud,
are to be appointed by the principal, will they not consequently be men
after his own heart?
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