Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 1 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 1 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
Mr. SMITH, (of South Carolina.)--The gentleman has anticipated me in his
motion; I am clearly in sentiment with him that the words ought to go
out. It is in the recollection of the committee, that when the subject
was last before us, this power was excepted to; and although the words
were then allowed to stand, it was generally understood that it should
be further debated. I then was opposed to giving this power to the
President, and am still of opinion that we ought not to make this
declaration, even if he has the power by the constitution.
I would premise that one of these two ideas is just: either that the
constitution has given the President the power of removal, and therefore
it is nugatory to make the declaration here; or it has not given the
power to him, and therefore it is improper to make an attempt to confer
it upon him. If it is not given to him by the constitution, but belongs
conjointly to the President and Senate, we have no right to deprive the
Senate of their constitutional prerogative; and it has been the opinion
of sensible men that the power was lodged in this manner. A publication
of no inconsiderable eminence in the class of political writings on the
constitution, has advanced this sentiment. The author, or authors, (for
I have understood it to be the production of two gentlemen of great
information,) of the work published under the signature of _Publius_,
has these words:
"It has been mentioned as one of the advantages to be expected from the
co-operation of the Senate in the business of appointments, that it
would contribute to the stability of the administration. The consent of
that body would be necessary to displace as well as appoint. A change of
the Chief Magistrate, therefore, would not occasion so violent or so
general a revolution in the officers of the Government, as might be
expected if he were the sole disposer of offices. Where a man in any
station has given satisfactory evidence of his fitness for it, a new
President would be restrained from attempting a change in favor of a
person more agreeable to him, by the apprehension that the
discountenance of the Senate might frustrate the attempt, and bring some
degree of discredit upon himself. Those who can best estimate the value
of a steady administration, will be most disposed to prize a provision
which connects the official existence of public men with the approbation
or disapprobation of that body, which, from the greater permanency of
its own composition, will, in all probability, be less subject to
inconstancy than any other member of the Government."
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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