Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 1 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 1 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
gentlemen; but they say the Senate is to be united with the President in
the exercise of this power. I hope, sir, that is not the case; because
it would involve us in the most serious difficulty. Suppose a discovery
of any of those events which I have just enumerated were to take place
when the Senate is not in session, how is the remedy to be applied? This
is a serious consideration, and the evil could be avoided no other way
than by the Senate's sitting always. Surely no gentleman of this House
contemplates the necessity of incurring such an expense. I am sure it
will be very objectionable to our constituents; and yet this must be
done, or the public interest be endangered by keeping an unworthy
officer in place until that body shall be assembled from the extremes of
the Union. It has been said that there is a danger of this power being
abused if exercised by one man. Certainly the danger is as great with
respect to the Senate, who are assembled from various parts of the
continent, with different impressions and opinions. It appears to me
that such a body is more likely to misuse this power than the man whom
the united voice of America calls to the Presidential chair. As the
nature of the Government requires the power of removal, I think it is to
be exercised in this way by a hand capable of exerting itself with
effect, and, the power must be conferred upon the President by the
constitution, as the executive officer of the Government.
Mr. MADISON.--If the construction of the constitution is to be left to
its natural course with respect to the executive powers of this
Government, I own that the insertion of this sentiment in law may not be
of material importance, though, if it is nothing more than a mere
declaration of a clear grant made by the constitution, it can do no
harm; but if it relates to a doubtful part of the constitution, I
suppose an exposition of the constitution may come with as much
propriety from the Legislature, as any other department of the
Government. If the power naturally belongs to the Government, and the
constitution is undecided as to the body which is to exercise it, it is
likely that it is submitted to the discretion of the Legislature, and
the question will depend upon its own merits.
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