Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 1 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 1 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
I am clearly of opinion with the gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr.
SMITH,) that we ought in this, and every other case, to adhere to the
constitution, so far as it will serve as a guide to us, and that we
ought not to be swayed in our decisions by the splendor of the character
of the present Chief Magistrate, but to consider it with respect to the
merit of men who, in the ordinary course of things, may be supposed to
fill the chair. I believe the power here declared is a high one, and, in
some respects, a dangerous one; but, in order to come to a right
decision on this point, we must consider both sides of the question: the
possible abuses which may spring from the single will of the First
Magistrate, and the abuse which may spring from the combined will of the
Executive and the Senatorial disqualification.
When we consider that the First Magistrate is to be appointed at present
by the suffrages of three millions of people, and in all human
probability in a few years' time by double that number, it is not to be
presumed that a vicious or bad character will be selected. If the
Government of any country on the face of the earth was ever effectually
guarded against the election of ambitious or designing characters to the
first office of the State, I think it may with truth be said to be the
case under the constitution of the United States. With all the
infirmities incident to a popular election, corrected by the particular
mode of conducting it, as directed under the present system, I think we
may fairly calculate that the instances will be very rare in which an
unworthy man will receive that mark of the public confidence which is
required to designate the President of the United States. Where the
people are disposed to give so great an elevation to one of their
fellow-citizens, I own that I am not afraid to place my confidence in
him, especially when I know he is impeachable for any crime or
misdemeanor before the Senate, at all times; and that, at all events, he
is impeachable before the community at large every four years, and
liable to be displaced if his conduct shall have given umbrage during
the time he has been in office. Under these circumstances, although the
trust is a high one, and in some degree, perhaps, a dangerous one, I am
not sure but it will be safer here than placed where some gentlemen
suppose it ought to be.
Mr. VINING.--I hoped, Mr. Chairman, after the discussion this subject
had received on a former occasion, that it would have been unnecessary
to re-examine it. The arguments against the clause are reiterated: but,
I trust, without a chance of success. They were fully answered before;
and I expect the impressions made at that time are not already effaced.
The House, as well as the Committee of the Whole, have determined that
those words shall be inserted in the bill; the special committee could
therefore do no less than place them where they are; a deference is due
to the decision of the House.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
Reviews
Reviews
No reviews yet
Be the first to share your thoughts on this work.
Elsewhere in the archive
Join the Discussion
Join the discussion
Sign in to leave a comment or review.
Sign InorCreate an account