Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 1 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 1 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
Mr. AMES.--When this question was agitated at a former period, I took no
part in the debate. I believe it was then proposed, without any idea or
intention of drawing on a lengthy discussion, and to me it appeared to
be well understood and settled by the House; but since it has been
reiterated and contested again, I feel it my bounden duty to deliver the
reasons for voting in the manner I then did, and shall now do. Mr.
Chairman, I look upon every question which touches the constitution as
serious and important, and therefore worthy of the fullest discussion,
and the most solemn decision. I believe, on the present occasion, we may
come to something near certainty, by attending to the leading principles
of the constitution. In order that the good purposes of a Federal
Government should be answered, it was necessary to delegate considerable
powers; and the principle upon which the grant was made, intended to
give sufficient power to do all possible good, but to restrain the
rulers from doing mischief.
The constitution places all executive power in the hands of the
President, and could he personally execute all the laws, there would be
no occasion for establishing auxiliaries; but the circumscribed powers
of human nature in one man, demand the aid of others. When the objects
are widely stretched out, or greatly diversified, meandering through
such an extent of territory as that the United States possess, a
minister cannot see with his own eyes every transaction, or feel with
his hands the minutiæ that pass through his department. He must
therefore have assistants. But in order that he may be responsible to
his country, he must have a choice in selecting his assistants, a
control over them, with power to remove them when he finds the
qualifications which induced their appointment cease to exist. There are
officers under the constitution who hold their office by a different
tenure--your judges are appointed during good behavior; and from the
delicacy and peculiar nature of their trust, it is right it should be
so, in order that they may be independent and impartial in administering
justice between the Government and its citizens. But the removability of
the one class, or immovability of the other, is founded on the same
principle, the security of the people against the abuse of power. Does
any gentleman imagine that an officer is entitled to his office as to an
estate? Or does the Legislature establish them for the convenience of an
individual? For my part I conceive it intended to carry into effect the
purposes for which the constitution was intended.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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