Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 1 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 1 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
Mr. LIVERMORE.--I shall vote for striking out the clause, because I
conceive it essentially necessary so to do. The power of originating
money bills within these walls, I look upon as a sacred deposit which we
may neither violate nor divest ourselves of, although at first view it
may appear of little importance who shall form a plan for the
improvement of the revenue. Although every information tending to effect
this great object may be gratefully received by this House, yet it
behoves us to consider to what this clause may lead, and where it may
terminate. Might it not, by construction, be said that the Secretary of
the Treasury has the sole right of digesting and reporting plans for the
improvement of the revenue? This construction may appear a little
extraordinary, but it is not more so than some constructions heretofore
put upon other words; but however extraordinary it may be, it may take
place, and I think the best way to avoid it, will be to leave out the
words altogether. It is certainly improper that any person, not
expressly intrusted by our constituents with the privilege of taking
their money, should direct the quantum and the manner in which to take
it.
Mr. SEDGWICK.--If the principle prevails for curtailing this part of the
Secretary's duty, we shall lose the advantages which the proposed system
was intended to acquire. The improvement and management of the revenue
is a subject that must be investigated by a man of abilities and
indefatigable industry, if we mean to have our business advantageously
done. If honorable gentlemen will for a moment consider the peculiar
circumstances of this country, the means of information attainable by
the individual members of this House, and compare them with the object
they have to pursue, they will plainly perceive the necessity of calling
to their aid the advantages resulting from an establishment like the one
contemplated in the bill; if they weigh these circumstances carefully,
their objections, I trust, will vanish.
Mr. BOUDINOT.--A proper jealousy for the liberty of the people is
commendable in those who are appointed and sworn to be its faithful
guardians; but when this spirit is carried so far as to lose sight of
its object, and instead of leading to avoid, urges on to the precipice
of ruin, we ought to be careful how we receive its impressions. So far
is the present measure from being injurious to liberty, that it is
consistent with the true interest and prosperity of the community. Are
gentlemen apprehensive we shall be led by this officer to adopt plans we
should otherwise reject? For my part, I have a better opinion of the
penetration of the representation of the people than to dread any such
visionary phantom.
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