Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 1 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 1 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
Let us consider whether this power is essentially necessary to the
Government. I take it to be conceded by the gentlemen, that it is
absolutely so. They say they are willing to receive the information
because it may be serviceable, but do not choose to have it communicated
in this way. If the Secretary of the Treasury is the proper person to
give the information, I can see no other mode of obtaining it that would
be so useful. Do gentlemen mean that he shall give it piecemeal, by way
of question and answer? This will tend more to mislead than to inform
us. If we would judge upon any subject, it would be better to have it in
one clear and complete view, than to inspect it by detachments; we
should lose the great whole in the minutiæ, and, instead of a system,
should present our constituents with a structure composed of discordant
parts, counteracting and defeating the operation of each other's
properties.
Mr. HARTLEY rose to express his sentiments, as he did on every occasion,
with diffidence in his own abilities; but he looked upon the clause as
both unsafe and inconsistent with the constitution. He thought the
gentleman last up proved too much by his arguments; he proved that the
House of Representatives was, in fact, unnecessary and useless; that one
person could be a better judge of the means to improve and manage the
revenue, and support the national credit, than the whole body of
Congress. This kind of doctrine, Mr. Chairman, is indelicate in a
republic, and strikes at the root of all legislation founded upon the
great democratic principle of representation. It is true, mistakes, and
very injurious ones, have been made on the subject of finance by some
State Legislatures; but I would rather submit to this evil, than, by my
voice, establish tenets subversive of the liberties of my country.
Notwithstanding what I have said, I am clearly of opinion it is
necessary and useful to take measures for obtaining other information
than what members can acquire in their characters as citizens;
therefore, I am in favor of the present bill; but I think these words
too strong. If it was modified so as to oblige him to have his plans
ready for this House when they are asked for, I should be satisfied; but
to establish a legal right in an officer to obtrude his sentiments
perpetually on this body is disagreeable, and it is dangerous, inasmuch
as the right is conveyed in words of doubtful import, and conveying
powers exclusively vested by the constitution in this House.
Mr. GERRY expressed himself in favor of the object of the clause; that
was, to get all the information possible for the purpose of improving
the revenue, because he thought this information would be much required,
if he judged from the load of public debt, and the present inability of
the people to contribute largely towards its reduction.
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