Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
Mr. HARRISON moved for the committee to rise and report the bill without
amendments.
Mr. NICHOLAS said, it seemed that gentlemen were making a new business
of this. At the time it was brought forward, gentlemen voted in favor of
it, because the law was to be repealed. He voted to separate the bills,
because he conceived it would not be right to say to the Senate, You
shall do two things together, or neither. He hoped the committee would
rise, that the House may not have such power over the business as to
keep it back. If the other bill pass the Senate, said he, we can take up
this, and pass it in a short time.
Mr. PARKER thought this a most extraordinary procedure, to say we will
not pass the appropriation bill till we know the Senate have agreed to
that for repealing. He thought the Senate had as great a right to
exercise their discretion as that House. He never expected to have heard
such expressions. This was holding out a _dictum_ for their conduct:
this he thought neither fair nor proper.
Mr. VENABLE thought the bills were connected. He wished to vote merely
for finishing the frigates. He hoped the committee would not rise, but
that it might be so amended as to add the other bill to it. When he
voted for the appropriation, he said, he voted for it only in such a
manner as should be reconcilable with his judgment. If the gentleman
would waive his motion, and the House would so connect it, he should be
gratified.
Mr. HARRISON said, as the last gentleman's ideas were fully to his
purpose, he should withdraw his motion.
On motion being made for connecting the bills--
Mr. BUCK hoped it would not prevail. The only reason he saw to object,
(and he thought that very forcible,) was, that it discovered a jealousy
in that House of another branch of the Government, which he thought very
unjustifiable. He had voted for the repeal, but should not vote for the
appropriation. He thought they ought to act for themselves, without
reference to the other branch. Any member may vote which way he pleased,
but to say he would not vote for one without they go to the other, was
unfair. He could see no justice in such a mistrust from this branch of
the Legislature. Suppose, he said, the bills go to the Senate
separately, they may concur in the appropriation, and reject the appeal.
Even in that situation, were it to be left, the Executive could not man
the frigates, unless they could obtain further appropriations--to
obstruct which would be preferable, and would put it out of the power of
the Senate to embarrass the House.
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