Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
Mr. VENABLE said his vote was given without any relation whatever to the
Senate. He thought any act passed by this House could not, when sent up
to the Senate, be termed disrespectful, for each branch had a right to
act for themselves. He was surprised to hear the gentleman last up say
he should not vote this appropriation; for he had heard him say, on a
former occasion, that he would vote an appropriation for any treaty,
law, or whatever should exist to call for it. Mr. V. confessed himself
to be of a very different opinion; for he always thought the House had a
discretionary power to grant it or not, but that gentleman had long said
it had none.
Mr. BUCK said, as his doctrines had been called in question, he must beg
indulgence to explain. He never said that the House had not a right to
judge on the propriety of appropriation in an existing law. He conceived
a treaty quite another thing. The PRESIDENT and Senate have a
constitutional power to make a treaty; in that, he said, he did advocate
that that House had no right to withhold appropriations; but in laws,
where the power of making appropriations rests partly in that House,
they had a right to grant or withhold. This, he said, he had always
held.
Mr. NICHOLAS said, this appeared to him a very unreasonable clamor in
behalf of the Senate. The gentleman last up seemed very careful not to
awaken the jealousy of the Senate. How could he know what part would
awaken that idea of disrespect? He had formed his mind to vote on the
subject, and surely every member might do so, without a fear of showing
disrespect to another branch. The gentleman had said that this House may
refuse to appropriate for a law. Now, suppose the Senate refuse to
repeal without we appropriate, we are then forced to choose one of two
evils. Very often, Mr. N. said, the House were obliged to appropriate
for a law, it may be, so far executed that they could not refuse.
Suppose the PRESIDENT should, after this, appoint officers to enlist men
for the frigates, how could the House refuse to pay them? While a law
existed to man these ships, it would be difficult to prevent it: it
would enable those who were friendly to the measure to carry it into
effect. He hoped, therefore, the House would not run the risk by leaving
it open to such possible intrusion.
Mr. S. SMITH thought this was a very unfair way of doing business, but
he had been used to such things. He thought this form of _tacking_ was
very improper and unfair. It had been observed that we were the most
free and enlightened people, but he thought those who advocated these
measures proved the very contrary.
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