Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
Mr. V. said, that there was one-fifth more money appropriated than could
be used before the next meeting of Congress, for there would be two
months of the present year's appropriation, during any part of which
another bill might be passed.
Mr. SWANWICK thought there was no danger of the bill being lost; it was
necessary to discuss a principle which appeared to admit of danger; it
was throwing the whole of the money to the mercy of the Treasury
Department.
Mr. PAGE said he should vote for the amendment, but he rose to express
his disapprobation of it, and he should have been glad if there was time
to make another bill. We must either suffer the community to abide under
great disadvantages, or ourselves. If they could exist, politically, he
said he should be happy to destroy that bill. He must acknowledge that
it was crammed down his throat.
Mr. LIVINGSTON said, that the reasons urged by the gentleman from
Massachusetts, instead of the end he proposed, would have a contrary
effect. Mr. L. believed that this amendment had a tendency to lessen the
privileges of the House; believing this, no object of convenience, no
view to the general opinion, should ever prevent him voting against it.
He believed it pregnant with mischief. The Civil and Military
Departments would be too easily connected; if the one wanted assistance,
while the Treasury had money in hand it would be supplied. He thought
the House had voted sufficient to answer every purpose intended, and he
believed, whatever specious arguments may be used, the House would not
recede. If any evil attended, he was willing to take his part of the
blame; but he was not apprehensive of any.
Mr. W. LYMAN hoped it would not pass, as it was full of danger and bad
principles.
Mr. W. SMITH said, the appropriation to the Military Establishment had
always been considered a general grant of money; therefore it would
introduce no new principles, but the manner of this bill, passed in this
House the day before the close of the session, and sent up to the Senate
the very day of the adjournment.
Mr. S. said gentlemen talked about the constitution, but he thought they
had wrong ideas of the evils of this business: it was not whether they
gave too much power to their officers, but the Military Establishment
could not go on; then the PRESIDENT would be obliged to alarm the whole
nation, and incur a vast expense to get the Congress together, and all
for want of due time and regulations: and now we must cram it down the
throats of the Senate. Surely gentlemen should have some moderation, and
not be so hightoned as to prevent any other branch of the Legislature
from exercising their powers as well as us.
On the question being taken to concur with this amendment, the yeas and
nays stood, 38 to 52, as follows:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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