Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
Mr. HEATH.--If my existence was to be but for one moment, I would stand
here and oppose this resolution; to let it pass, is precluding the
freedom of inquiry into the conduct of our public officers. If we were
to commence this loose kind of a way of appropriating, we may go on to
do this, that, and the other, until we were too far to stop. Were we to
indulge ourselves to go into the wide fields of accident, we might
suppose this and that, but our imaginations would have no end. He
lamented the shortness of the time they had to discuss it.
Mr. GILBERT acknowledged this was the age of reason, but he was sorry
the House should be inclined to adopt an entire new doctrine of
privileges. We should not hazard a new position, when it may be attended
with the greatest danger; therefore he hoped they would agree with the
Senate.
Mr. HARPER thought it would not be very difficult to convince gentlemen
who oppose it, that the amendment was calculated to secure the very
object they wished. It was not a violation of the constitution, as some
gentlemen supposed. He would ask, could not an appropriation be made for
the use of the Military Establishment in general terms? Yes, he would
answer; else how could an appropriation in general terms have been made
for the intercourse with foreign nations? Certainly it could not be
unconstitutional to appropriate the overplus of one article to supply
the deficiency of another. One moment's reflection, Mr. H. thought,
would convince members of the error of a contrary opinion. It might not
be safe to do it without law, but here is a law allowing it. The whole
must suffer if the War Department is deficient, which cannot be avoided
if one is not to assist another branch, for it is scarce possible to
guard against every contingency. He thought the amendment beneficial in
the highest degree, and without it, would stop the War Department in its
operations. He hoped no delay would take place, as it endangered the
bill.
Mr. VARNUM said, that notwithstanding all that gentlemen might produce
to prove the necessity of giving the Executive large powers, yet it was
dangerous; he instanced that, if the Executive were determined to man
and equip the frigates for sea, they would have power to do it from
money appropriated, and intended for other purposes; thus it was
transferring a power, solely vested in the Legislature, into the
Executive Department. He thought it was an infringement on the
constitution; it was putting the power where it never was intended to
be; although he had great respect for that department, yet he did not
wish to see its powers extended too far. A gentleman had intimated he
should not wish the bill to be altered, if he was sure there would not
be war with the Indians. He would answer that there could not be a war
until the Legislature met again.
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