Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
Mr. LIVINGSTON said he had some time been wishing to put forward
something similar; he really hoped some negotiation would be carried on
to effect his liberation. It would be honorable to this country to
interpose in behalf of this man, who has a claim on American service.
While suffering for us on his part, let gratitude, and every feeling
that can affect the heart, be ours. Abandoned by his own country, and to
increase his sufferings, precluded from almost every enjoyment of life,
it would be honorable in us to interest ourselves in his behalf,
appropriating some small sum which may enable the PRESIDENT to make some
progress towards his releasement. Thus, while it is honorable to
America, if it has no effect, it may afford some comfort to the
unfortunate sufferer, to think he is not forgotten. He then proposed a
resolution, not materially varying from that just offered by Mr. HARPER,
hoping that the little variation would prevent it suffering a similar
fate.
Mr. PARKER said, as it was a personal question, he hoped it would lie on
the table.
Mr. COIT thought it a delicate question, and one which ought not to be
agitated, and therefore moved the previous question.
Mr. HARTLEY spoke of Mr. PARKER's observing its personality. He answered
that the man suffered much for this country, and therefore was entitled
to regard. He acknowledged with Mr. COIT, that there was much delicacy
in the business, and therefore hoped it would speedily be discussed; it
ought not be postponed; the man is now suffering in a most distressing
confinement. If any of the soldiers of 1789 were here with whom he was
in council, there would not be a dissenting voice to using every
exertion. He hoped the House would never forget such brilliant services.
Mr. SWANWICK said, there need not be a dissenting voice, but we ought to
be cautious how we multiply our negotiations, as this could not be done
without entering into a negotiation with the Emperor of Germany in the
regular way. It is not want of respect that should prevent us, but are
we provided to go into all the consequences attending a new negotiation?
There is a delicacy in it, of which we ought to be careful. There is not
the least doubt but the PRESIDENT has as much desire for his release as
any gentleman, but he, no doubt, deliberated, and saw the danger of it.
Mr. S. said he lamented our foreign negotiations _in toto_. There was no
good derived from them, and he could not anticipate any from new ones.
Mr. NICHOLAS said, he felt as much disposition to take measures for his
release as any man, but he thought the business undertaken too hastily.
Suppose you give instructions to the PRESIDENT, and he does not think
proper to act on it, so far from being a compliment to Lafayette, it
would hurt his mind, should he hear it had been agitated.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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