Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
Mr. CLAIBORNE saw no difficulty attending the resolution. He hoped the
House would render this essential service to the unfortunate sufferer,
if even in the last hour of the Congress.
Mr. CHRISTIE said, it was an improper time to take up the resolution,
but as they had to sit there two or three hours longer and no business
to do, this might as well occupy the attention of the House as not.
Mr. LIVINGSTON would be sorry to impose a burden upon the country, but
he thought this a duty incumbent on them. He hoped gentlemen would
openly come forward and avow their sentiments, and not shelter
themselves under the previous question. Remember, he came here from the
pompous ease of a foreign court; he voluntarily served the cause of
America, and bled for her; he, in a great measure, procured the interest
which formed the alliance with France in our defence; besides spending a
princely fortune in our cause, he asked nothing, nor would accept any
compensation for his services: and now he is abandoned to the most
dreadful situation possible; some of that compensation, justly due to
his services, is refused him as a balm to his former woes by not
attempting his release. This is the situation of the man for whom this
House is asked only to express their desire for his comfort; this is the
man who was met with pleasure in every part of the United States; all
the people rejoiced to express their gratitude to him; he was
accompanied with testimonials of admiration and thanks from the whole
Continent: and now we should not say that we will feel with pleasure
measures taken towards obtaining his liberty! We can pity him, and
regret his situation, but refuse to lend him the least assistance to
soothe his distress. We do not call upon the House to vent its infantine
sorrow, to show its womanish pity. No. We call on it to express a will,
predominant throughout the United States, in the behalf of this
unfortunate man. But it is said that we should get the ill will of the
nations who persecuted him. Unless they bid adieu to all the tender
feelings of humanity, they never can take offence. It has been also
supposed it would be ineffectual; he had no doubt but the Executive
would take those measures which would be most effectual and least
endangering to the nation; it could not make the situation of the
sufferer worse, and if we succeed in procuring his liberty, it would
give pleasure to every heart who can sympathize with the distressed, or
feel gratitude for high obligations: and if it does not have that happy
effect, still we may feel consolation at having done our duty. If these
measures were taken, it would illuminate the loathsome horrors of a
dungeon the most dreadful; it would sweep away the reproach "that
Republicans know no gratitude;" that we, who had his best exertions
whilst in prosperity, do not forget him in adversity. Mr. L. said he
really believed that if he had not known the principles of liberty here,
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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