Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
Mr. MURRAY thought the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. VENABLE) carried his
idea of relief too far. He had no idea that that House, or any
Legislature, could undertake to make good individual misfortunes. He was
of opinion that the lines which separated individual from national
cases, were very observable; the one was happening every day, the other
seldom occurred. When a large town is burnt down, and that town is an
important Southern frontier town, it is surely a national calamity, and
has a claim upon the humanity of the country. It was true, the claim was
not of such a nature as to be brought into a Court of Justice, but it
was a calamity in which the whole nation sympathized. It was not only a
claim upon the humanity of the nation, but also upon its policy, as, by
restoring it to its former situation, it would be able to bear its
wonted part in contributing to the revenue of the country, and would
continue to carry population, arts, and wealth to that distant part of
the Union. In case of war, Savannah was a most important place. It was
necessary the Union should have a town in that situation, and he could
not consider any money which might now be advanced as given away, but as
lent to that town, which might enable it, in a few years, to resume its
former situation, whilst the withholding of it might prevent its ever
rising from its present ruins.
Mr. KITCHELL was opposed to the amendment and to the resolution itself.
He had doubts if even they were to give the citizens 15,000 dollars, as
was proposed by the gentleman from South Carolina, whether they should
not, instead of service, be doing them an injury; because, if the
General Government were only to give this sum, the State Legislatures
would proportion their donations accordingly, and probably give much
less than they would otherwise have done, if they had not had this
example before them. He had doubts as to the constitutionality of the
measure; he thought the constitution did not authorize them to make such
use of public money; however, he thought it might be a very flexible
instrument; it would bend to every situation, and every situation to
that. He thought, in this instance, if we grant money, while we attempt
to serve, we shall eventually injure. As to what the gentleman from
Virginia says of Lexington, Mr. K. thought it had been fully relieved;
however he should vote against both propositions.
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