Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
and of honor authorized it, and all the world would have applauded our
conduct. And it is well known that if France had been so disposed she
could not have brought a single man or ship to their relief; before the
news could have reached Europe, she was blockaded in her own ports by
the British fleet. But that time was permitted to go by unimproved, and
instead of regretting the past, let us provide for the future.
Admitting then, Mr. President, that His Catholic Majesty is hostile to
the cession of this territory to the United States, and no honorable
gentleman will deny it, what reasons have we to suppose that the
French Prefect, provided the Spaniards should interfere, can give to
us peaceable possession of the country? He is acknowledged there in no
public character, is clothed with no authority, nor has he a single
soldier to enforce his orders. I speak now, sir, from mere probabilities.
I wish not to be understood as predicting that the French will not cede
to us the actual and quiet possession of the territory. I hope to God
they may, for possession of it we must have--I mean of New Orleans, and
of such other positions on the Mississippi as may be necessary to secure
to us for ever the complete and uninterrupted navigation of that river.
This I have ever been in favor of; I think it essential to the peace of
the United States, and to the prosperity of our Western country. But
as to Louisiana, this new, immense, unbounded world, if it should ever
be incorporated into this Union, which I have no idea can be done but
by altering the constitution, I believe it will be the greatest curse
that could at present befall us; it may be productive of innumerable
evils, and especially of one that I fear even to look upon. Gentlemen on
all sides, with very few exceptions, agree that the settlement of this
country will be highly injurious and dangerous to the United States; but
as to what has been suggested of removing the Creeks and other nations of
Indians from the eastern to the western banks of the Mississippi, and of
making the fertile regions of Louisiana a howling wilderness, never to be
trodden by the foot of civilized man, it is impracticable. The gentleman
from Tennessee (Mr. COCKE) has shown his usual candor on this subject,
and I believe with him, to use his strong language, that you had as
well pretend to inhibit the fish from swimming in the sea as to prevent
the population of that country after its sovereignty shall become ours.
To every man acquainted with the adventurous, roving, and enterprising
temper of our people, and with the manner in which our Western country
has been settled, such an idea must be chimerical. The inducements will
be so strong that it will be impossible to restrain our citizens from
crossing the river. Louisiana must and will become settled, if we hold
it, and with the very population that would otherwise occupy part of
our present territory. Thus our citizens will be removed to the immense
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