Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
State of which I am one of the representatives. However odious it may be
to some gentlemen, and however desirous they may be of discountenancing
it, I think it must be evident that this tax will not effect their
object; that it will not be a discouragement to the trade, nor will the
introduction of a single African into the country be prevented. The only
result will be, that it will produce a revenue to the Government. I
trust that no gentleman is desirous of establishing this tax with a view
to revenue. The State of South Carolina contributes as largely to the
revenue of the United States, for its population and wealth, as any State
in the Union. To impose a tax falling exclusively on her agriculture
would be the height of injustice, and I hope that the Representatives
of the landed interest of the nation will resist every measure, however
general in its appearance, a tendency of which is to lay a partial and
unequal tax on agriculture.
Mr. BEDINGER observed, that the gentleman from South Carolina had so
fully expressed the opinions he entertained, that he should say but
little. Every body who knew his opinions on slavery might think strange
of the vote he should give against the resolution. There was not a member
on the floor more inimical to slavery than he was, still he was of
opinion that the effect of the present resolution, if adopted, would be
injurious. He should, therefore, vote against it.
Mr. BARD.--It was my wish that the question before the committee might be
taken without discussion, but, as the gentleman from South Carolina has
preferred a different course, I beg permission to offer a few thoughts on
the subject.
As to the constitutionality of the measure, I believe there can be but
one opinion. It is pretty well understood that the union of the States
was a matter of compromise; and, indeed, the language of the constitution
suggests the idea that the convention which formed that instrument, must
have had the emancipation of slaves under their consideration. They had
achieved liberty, and their object was to transmit it to posterity;
and we cannot permit ourselves to suppose that men whose minds were so
enriched with liberal sentiments, and who had so often reiterated the
sacred truth, “That all men were born equally free”--I say we cannot
suppose that they would consider slavery to be a subject unworthy their
discussion; and it appears to be equally suggested that the convention
were not all agreed to an absolute prohibition of the slave trade,
but yielded so far that a duty or tax might be imposed on the future
importation of that description of people. The question, then, is only on
the policy of laying this tax; and it appears that there can be no doubt
on this question.
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