Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
This was not, as contended by some gentlemen, a mere question of revenue;
but it was a question whether the Government of the Union should come
forward and condemn the act of a State, which she was fully authorized
to pass. If it is necessary to increase the revenue, let us meet that
subject fairly and fully, and not single out a particular resource of
a particular State. It is on this ground that I principally object to
this measure. The gentleman from New York (Mr. MITCHILL) has endeavored
to prove that because in the Southern States the article of slaves
produces a great profit, it is therefore proper to make it the subject
of taxation. I ask if there should be a profitable species of trade
carried on in any other part of the Union, would it be deemed politic
or just on that account to lay an additional tax upon it? The fair
principle of taxation is, that every part of the Union should contribute
equally. When any branch of trade is profitable in New York, I, though
a Southern man, rejoice at it. When the fisheries of the Eastern States
prosper, I feel highly gratified--not because those whom I represent are
particularly interested in them, but because I consider myself as a part
of the whole, and that whatever advances the interests of any part of
this Union must promote the interests of every part of it.
With regard to the moral principle involved in the slave trade, we have
nothing to do with it. On this point the Union ought to be silent. On
this subject can any thing be more pointed than the provisions of the
constitution, which, contrary to most of the other provisions, cannot
be altered but with the consent of every State in the Union. Why then
shall we cry over what we cannot prevent, like a school boy? Each State,
so long as she confines herself within the limits of her constitutional
powers, must be the exclusive judge of her own conduct; and it becomes
not one State, influenced by different feelings, habits, and interests,
to pronounce upon the conduct of another. All, so far as regards
themselves, are judges of right and wrong. We, too, have as strong a
conviction of the propriety of our measures as those who differ from us
in sentiment on this subject. We may perhaps think it more blamable to
make slaves of white people than of the blacks.
I confess I have not been able clearly to understand the ideas of the
gentleman from New York (Mr. MITCHILL.) A few days since that gentleman
offered a report, the object of which was to free raw materials from
duty. Will the State of South Carolina profit by this? No. It will
conduce to the benefit of other parts of the Union; but we shall bear the
burden: and still, on this occasion, because we derive a certain profit
from a particular description of trade, the gentleman contends for taxing
it.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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