Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
The constitution is nicely balanced, with the federative and popular
principles; the Senate are the guardians of the former, and the House of
Representatives of the latter; and any attempts to destroy this balance,
under whatever specious names or pretences they may be presented,
should be watched with a jealous eye. Perhaps a fair definition of the
constitutional powers of amending is, that you may upon experiment so
modify the constitution in its practice and operation, as to give it,
upon its own principles, a more complete effect. But this is an attack
upon a fundamental principle established after a long deliberation,
and by mutual concession, a principle of essential importance to the
instrument itself, and an attempt to wrest from the small States a vested
right, and by it, to increase the power and influence of the large
States. I shall not pretend, sir, that the parties to this constitutional
compact cannot alter its original essential principles, and that such
alterations may not be effected under the name of amendment; but, let
a proposal of that kind come forward in its own proper and undisguised
shape; let it be fairly stated to Congress, to the State Legislatures,
to the people at large, that the intention is to change an important
federative feature in the constitution, which change in itself and all
its consequences, will tend to a consolidation of this Union into a
simple republic; let it be fairly stated, that the small States have too
much agency in the important article of electing a Chief Magistrate,
and that the great States claim the choice; and we shall then have a
fair decision. If the Senators of the small States, and if their State
Legislatures, will then quietly part with the right they have, no person
can reasonably complain.
Nothing can be more obvious, than the intention of the plan adopted by
our constitution for choosing a President. The Electors are to nominate
two persons, of whom they cannot know which will be President; this
circumstance not only induces them to select both from the best men; but
gives a direct advantage into the hands of the small States even in the
electoral choice. For they can always select from the two candidates set
up by the Electors of large States, by throwing their votes upon their
favorite, and of course giving him a majority; or, if the Electors of
the large States should, to prevent this effect, scatter their votes
for one candidate, then the Electors of the small States would have it
in their power to elect a Vice President. So that, in any event, the
small States will have a considerable agency in the election. But if
the discriminating or designating principle is carried, as contained in
this resolution, the whole, or nearly the whole right and agency of the
small States, in the electoral choice of Chief Magistrate, is destroyed,
and their chance of obtaining a federative choice by States, if not
destroyed, is very much diminished.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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