Address to the Non-Slaveholders of the South: on the Social and Political Evils of SlaveryTappan, Lewis
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Address to the Non-Slaveholders of the South: on the Social and Political Evils of Slavery
Tappan, Lewis
Slavery -- United States
In the 10th Report of the American Sunday School Union [p. 50] is a
table showing the number of Sunday School scholars in each State for the
year 1834. From this table we learn that
There were in the free States 504,835 scholars.
" " slave " 82,532 "
The single State of New York had 161,768 "
about twice as many as in the thirteen slave States!
And is it possible that the literary and religious destitution you are
suffering, together with the vicious habits of your colored population,
should have no effect on the moral character of the whites?
We entreat your patient and dispassionate attention to the remarks and
facts we are about to submit to you on the next subject of inquiry.
VI. STATE OF MORALS.
Christianity, by controlling the malignant passions of our nature, and
exciting its benevolent affections, gives a sacredness to the rights of
others, and especially does it guard human life. But where her blessed
influence is withdrawn, or greatly impaired, the passions resume their
sway, and violence and cruelty become the characteristics of every
community in which the civil authority is too feeble to afford
protection.
No society is free from vices and crime, and we well know that human
depravity springs from another source than slavery. It will not,
however, be denied that circumstances and institutions may check those
evil propensities to which we are all prone; and it will, we presume, be
admitted that in forming an opinion of the moral condition and
advancement of any community, we are to be guided in our judgment, not
by insulated facts, but by the _tone of public opinion_. Atrocities
occur in the best regulated and most virtuous States, but in such they
excite indignation and are visited with punishment; while in vicious
communities they are treated with levity and impunity.
In a country where suffrage is universal, the representatives will but
reflect the general character of their constituents. If we are permitted
to apply this rule in testing the moral condition of the South, the
result will not be favorable.
In noticing the public conduct of public men, we are not sensible of
violating any principle of courtesy or delicacy; we touch not their
private character or their private acts; we refer to their language and
sentiments, merely as one indication of the standard of morals among
their constituents, not as conclusive proof apart from other evidence.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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