After the War: A Southern Tour. May 1, 1865 to May 1, 1866Reid, Whitelaw
History
After the War: A Southern Tour. May 1, 1865 to May 1, 1866
Reid, Whitelaw
Plantation life; Reconstruction (U.S. history, 1865-1877); Southern States -- Description and travel
“I was an old route agent, you see, and I wanted to go back to a nice
berth. But I had been a magistrate under the Confederacy, and I was
required to swear that I had never been. I went to see President
Johnson. There was an awful crowd in the lobby, but I cottoned to
Captain Slade, and played Yankee a little. Leaving out part of my name,
I wrote on a card simply ‘Frederick Bruce,’ and made Slade promise to
lay it before the President without a word. In a moment I was called in;
but, as I approached the President, I thought I could see, by the
twinkle of his eye, that I wasn’t the Frederick Bruce he had
expected![48] Well, I told him that I took a magistrate’s office under
the Confederate Government, to avoid having to go into the army. He said
the word ‘voluntary’ occurred at the beginning of the oath, and its
force ran through the whole of it, and applied to every clause. ‘Now,
sir,’ said the President, ‘it’s with your own conscience to say whether
you took that office voluntarily or not.’ Of course, I didn’t, for I was
compelled to do it in order to keep out of the army, and so I told the
President I would take the oath at once, and he said, ‘all right.’”
The narration threw a flood of light on the style of Unionists, with
whose aid the Southern States were being “reconstructed.” This map was
one of the “stay-at-home” Rebels. He made no secret of his entire
sympathy with the Rebel cause, but he wanted to keep out of the fight
himself, and found it pleasanter to be a Rebel magistrate than a Rebel
soldier.
Not very many Virginians seemed disposed to abandon the pleasant
mountain homes about Lynchburg, for the doubtful bliss of Mexico or
Brazil. The discovery had suddenly been made that there was a good deal
more danger of “nigger equality” in either than in the United States,
and the newspapers were dolorously warning the dissatisfied, that, if
they should go to Brazil, they might happen to be brought before courts
where negro judges presided, or be required to submit to laws enacted by
the wisdom of negro legislators. It was bad to be forced to tolerate the
presence of free negroes in the United States, but, really, it began to
look as if they could go nowhere else without finding matters a great
deal worse.
In the main, the negroes seemed to be doing well. In the Lynchburg
hotels they were paid twenty dollars a month—five dollars more than they
received for similar services in Richmond. “Den, besides dat, we picks
up ’siderable from gemmen dat gibs us half-dollar for toting deir trunk
or blacking deir boots, as I’s shore you’s gwine to do, sah.”[49] These,
however, were only the more intelligent. Through the country the negroes
were by no means earning such wages, and, in fact, the most were earning
none at all. They gained a precarious support by picking up occasional
jobs, and by a pretty general system of pilfering.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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