American ideals, and other essays, social and politicalRoosevelt, Theodore
General
American ideals, and other essays, social and political
Roosevelt, Theodore
National characteristics, American; United States -- Politics and government; United States -- Social conditions -- 1865-1918
No nation can achieve real greatness if its people are not both
essentially moral and essentially manly; both sets of qualities
are necessary. It is an admirable thing to possess refinement and
cultivation, but the price is too dear if they must be paid for at
the cost of the rugged fighting qualities which make a man able to do
a man’s work in the world, and which make his heart beat with that
kind of love of country which is shown not only in readiness to try
to make her civic life better, but also to stand up manfully for her
when her honor and influence are at stake in a dispute with a foreign
power. A heavy responsibility rests on the educated man. It is a double
discredit to him to go wrong, whether his shortcomings take the form of
shirking his every-day civic duties, or of abandonment of the nation’s
rights in a foreign quarrel. He must no more be misled by the sneers of
those who always write “patriotism” between inverted commas than by the
coarser, but equally dangerous, ridicule of the politicians who jeer
at “reform.” It is as unmanly to be taunted by one set of critics into
cowardice as it is to be taunted by the other set into dishonesty.
There are many upright and honorable men who take the wrong side,
that is, the anti-American side, of the Monroe Doctrine because they
are too short-sighted or too unimaginative to realize the hurt to
the nation that would be caused by the adoption of their views. There
are other men who take the wrong view simply because they have not
thought much of the matter, or are in unfortunate surroundings, by
which they have been influenced to their own moral hurt. There are yet
other men in whom the mainspring of the opposition to that branch of
American policy known as the Monroe Doctrine is sheer timidity. This is
sometimes the ordinary timidity of wealth. Sometimes, however, it is
peculiarly developed among educated men whose education has tended to
make them over-cultivated and over-sensitive to foreign opinion. They
are generally men who undervalue the great fighting qualities, without
which no nation can ever rise to the first rank.
The timidity of wealth is proverbial, and it was well illustrated by
the attitude taken by too many people of means at the time of the
Venezuela trouble. Many of them, including bankers, merchants, and
railway magnates, criticised the action of the President and the
Senate, on the ground that it had caused business disturbance. Such
a position is essentially ignoble. When a question of national honor
or of national right or wrong, is at stake, no question of financial
interest should be considered for a moment. Those wealthy men who wish
the abandonment of the Monroe Doctrine because its assertion may damage
their business, bring discredit to themselves, and, so far as they are
able, discredit to the nation of which they are a part.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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