American ideals, and other essays, social and political — John Shaqi
American ideals, and other essays, social and politicalRoosevelt, Theodore
General
American ideals, and other essays, social and political
Roosevelt, Theodore
National characteristics, American; United States -- Politics and government; United States -- Social conditions -- 1865-1918
What is true of patriotism and reform is true also of Americanism.
There are plenty of scoundrels always ready to try to belittle
reform movements or to bolster up existing iniquities in the name of
Americanism; but this does not alter the fact that the man who can do
most in this country is and must be the man whose Americanism is most
sincere and intense. Outrageous though it is to use a noble idea as
the cloak for evil, it is still worse to assail the noble idea itself
because it can thus be used. The men who do iniquity in the name of
patriotism, of reform, of Americanism, are merely one small division of
the class that has always existed and will always exist,--the class of
hypocrites and demagogues, the class that is always prompt to steal the
watchwords of righteousness and use them in the interests of evil-doing.
The stoutest and truest Americans are the very men who have the least
sympathy with the people who invoke the spirit of Americanism to aid
what is vicious in our government or to throw obstacles in the way of
those who strive to reform it. It is contemptible to oppose a movement
for good because that movement has already succeeded somewhere else,
or to champion an existing abuse because our people have always been
wedded to it. To appeal to national prejudice against a given reform
movement is in every way unworthy and silly. It is as childish to
denounce free trade because England has adopted it as to advocate
it for the same reason. It is eminently proper, in dealing with the
tariff, to consider the effect of tariff legislation in time past upon
other nations as well as the effect upon our own; but in drawing
conclusions it is in the last degree foolish to try to excite prejudice
against one system because it is in vogue in some given country, or to
try to excite prejudice in its favor because the economists of that
country have found that it was suited to their own peculiar needs. In
attempting to solve our difficult problem of municipal government it is
mere folly to refuse to profit by whatever is good in the examples of
Manchester and Berlin because these cities are foreign, exactly as it
is mere folly blindly to copy their examples without reference to our
own totally different conditions. As for the absurdity of declaiming
against civil-service reform, for instance, as “Chinese,” because
written examinations have been used in China, it would be quite as
wise to declaim against gunpowder because it was first utilized by the
same people. In short, the man who, whether from mere dull fatuity or
from an active interest in misgovernment, tries to appeal to American
prejudice against things foreign, so as to induce Americans to oppose
any measure for good, should be looked on by his fellow-countrymen with
the heartiest contempt. So much for the men who appeal to the spirit
of Americanism to sustain us in wrong-doing. But we must never let our
contempt for these men blind us to the nobility of the idea which they
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