American ideals, and other essays, social and politicalRoosevelt, Theodore
General
American ideals, and other essays, social and political
Roosevelt, Theodore
National characteristics, American; United States -- Politics and government; United States -- Social conditions -- 1865-1918
Much the largest percentage of corrupt legislators come from the
great cities; indeed, the majority of the assemblymen from the great
cities are “very poor specimens” indeed, while, on the contrary, the
congressmen who go from them are generally pretty good men. This fact
is only one of the many which go to establish the curious political
law that in a great city the larger the constituency which elects a
public servant, the more apt that servant is to be a good one; exactly
as the Mayor is almost certain to be infinitely superior in character
to the average alderman, or the average city judge to the average
civil justice. This is because the public servants of comparatively
small importance are protected by their own insignificance from the
consequences of their bad actions. Life is carried on at such a high
pressure in the great cities, men’s time is so fully occupied by their
manifold and harassing interests and duties, and their knowledge of
their neighbors is necessarily so limited, that they are only able
to fix in their minds the characters and records of a few prominent
men; the others they lump together without distinguishing between
individuals. They know whether the aldermen, as a body, are to be
admired or despised; but they probably do not even know the name,
far less the worth, of the particular aldermen who represents their
district; so it happens that their votes for aldermen or assemblymen
are generally given with very little intelligence indeed, while, on the
contrary, they are fully competent to pass and execute judgment upon
as prominent an official as a mayor or even a congressman. Hence it
follows that the latter have to give a good deal of attention to the
wishes and prejudices of the public at large, while a city assemblyman,
though he always talks a great deal about the people, rarely, except in
certain extraordinary cases, has to pay much heed to their wants. His
political future depends far more upon the skill and success with which
he cultivates the good-will of certain “bosses,” or of certain cliques
of politicians, or even of certain bodies and knots of men (such as
compose a trade-union, or a collection of merchants in some special
business, or the managers of a railroad) whose interests, being vitally
affected by Albany legislation, oblige them closely to watch, and to
try to punish or reward, the Albany legislators. These politicians
or sets of interested individuals generally care very little for a
man’s honesty so long as he can be depended upon to do as they wish on
certain occasions; and hence it often happens that a dishonest man who
has sense enough not to excite attention by any flagrant outrage may
continue for a number of years to represent an honest constituency.
THE CONSTITUENTS LARGELY TO BLAME.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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