American ideals, and other essays, social and political — John Shaqi
American ideals, and other essays, social and politicalRoosevelt, Theodore
General
American ideals, and other essays, social and political
Roosevelt, Theodore
National characteristics, American; United States -- Politics and government; United States -- Social conditions -- 1865-1918
After all, outsiders furnish quite as much fun as the legislators
themselves. The number of men who persist in writing one letters of
praise, abuse, and advice on every conceivable subject is appalling;
and the writers are of every grade, from the lunatic and the criminal
up. The most difficult to deal with are the men with hobbies. There is
the Protestant fool, who thinks that our liberties are menaced by the
machinations of the Church of Rome; and his companion idiot, who wants
legislation against all secret societies, especially the Masons. Then
there are the believers in “isms,” of whom the women-suffragists stand
in the first rank. Now I have always been a believer in woman’s rights,
but I must confess I have never seen such a hopelessly impracticable
set of persons as the woman-suffragists who came up to Albany to get
legislation. They simply would not draw up their measures in proper
form; when I pointed out to one of them that their proposed bill
was drawn up in direct defiance of certain of the sections of the
Constitution of the State he blandly replied that he did not care at
all for that, because the measure had been drawn up so as to be in
accord with the Constitution of Heaven. There was no answer to this
beyond the very obvious one that Albany was in no way akin to Heaven.
The ultra-temperance people--not the moderate and sensible ones--are
quite as impervious to common sense.
A member’s correspondence is sometimes amusing. A member receives
shoals of letters of advice, congratulation, entreaty, and abuse, half
of them anonymous. Most of these are stupid; but some are at least out
of the common.
I had some constant correspondents. One lady in the western part
of the State wrote me a weekly disquisition on woman’s rights. A
Buffalo clergyman spent two years on a one-sided correspondence about
prohibition. A gentleman of Syracuse wrote me such a stream of essays
and requests about the charter of that city that I feared he would
drive me into a lunatic asylum; but he anticipated matters by going
into one himself. A New Yorker at regular intervals sent up a request
that I would “reintroduce” the Dongan charter, which had lapsed two
centuries before. A gentleman interested in a proposed law to protect
primaries took to telegraphing daily questions as to its progress--a
habit of which I broke him by sending in response telegrams of several
hundred words each, which I was careful not to prepay.
There are certain legislative actions which must be taken in a purely
Pickwickian sense. Notable among these are the resolutions of sympathy
for the alleged oppressed patriots and peoples of Europe. These are
generally directed against England, as there exists in the lower
strata of political life an Anglophobia quite as objectionable as the
Anglomania of the higher social circles.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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