American politics (non-partisan) from the beginning to date : $b embodying a history of all the political parties, with their views and records on all important questions. Great speeches on all great issues, and tabulated history and chronological events.Cooper, Thomas V. (Thomas Valentine)
History
American politics (non-partisan) from the beginning to date : $b embodying a history of all the political parties, with their views and records on all important questions. Great speeches on all great issues, and tabulated history and chronological events.
Cooper, Thomas V. (Thomas Valentine)
Political parties -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
“If we could first know where we are, and whither we are tending, we
could better judge what to do, and how to do it. We are now far into the
fifth year, since a policy was initiated with the avowed object, and
confident promise of putting an end to the slavery agitation. Under the
operation of that policy, that agitation has not only not ceased, but
has constantly augmented. In my opinion it will not cease, until a
crisis shall have been reached and passed. ‘A house divided against
itself cannot stand.’ I believe this government cannot endure
permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be
dissolved—I do not expect the house to fall—but I do expect it will
cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other.
Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it,
and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is
in the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it
forward, till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as
well as new—North as well as South.”
Douglas arrived in Chicago on the 9th of July, and was warmly received
by enthusiastic friends. His doctrine of “popular sovereignty” had all
the attractions of novelty and apparent fairness. For months it divided
many Republicans, and at one time the New York _Tribune_ showed
indications of endorsing the position of Douglas—a fact probably
traceable to the attitude of jealousy and hostility manifested toward
him by the Buchanan administration. Neither of the great debaters were
to be wholly free in the coming contest. Douglas was undermined by
Buchanan, who feared him as a rival, and by the more bitter friends of
slavery, who could not see that the new doctrine was safely in their
interest; but these things were dwarfed in the State conflict, and those
who shared such feelings had to make at least a show of friendship until
they saw the result. Lincoln was at first handicapped by the doubts of
that class of Republicans who thought “popular sovereignty” not bad
Republican doctrine.
On the arrival of Douglas he replied to Lincoln’s Springfield speech; on
the 16th he spoke at Bloomington, and on the 17th, in the afternoon, at
Springfield. Lincoln had heard all three speeches, and replied to the
last on the night of the day of its delivery. He next addressed to
Douglas the following challenge to debate:
CHICAGO, July 24th, 1858.
HON. S. A. DOUGLAS:—_My Dear Sir_:—Will it be agreeable to you to make
an arrangement to divide time, and address the same audience, during
the present canvass? etc. Mr. Judd is authorized to receive your
answer, and if agreeable to you, to enter into terms of such
agreement, etc.
Your obedient servant,
A. LINCOLN.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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