American politics (non-partisan) from the beginning to date : $b embodying a history of all the political parties, with their views and records on all important questions. Great speeches on all great issues, and tabulated history and chronological events.Cooper, Thomas V. (Thomas Valentine)
History
American politics (non-partisan) from the beginning to date : $b embodying a history of all the political parties, with their views and records on all important questions. Great speeches on all great issues, and tabulated history and chronological events.
Cooper, Thomas V. (Thomas Valentine)
Political parties -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
In March, 1796, a new political issue was sprung in the House by Mr.
Livingstone of New York, who offered a resolution requesting of the
President a copy of the instructions to Mr. Jay, the envoy who made the
treaty with Great Britain. After a debate of several days, more bitter
than any which had preceded it, the House passed the resolution by 57 to
35, the Republicans voting aye, the Federals no. Washington in answer,
took the position that the House of Representatives was not part of the
treaty-making power of the government, and could not therefore be
entitled to any papers relating to such treaties. The constitution had
placed this treaty-making and ratifying power in the hands of the
Senate, the Cabinet and the President.
This answer, now universally accepted as the proper one, yet excited the
House and increased political animosities. The Republicans charged the
Federals with being the “British party,” and in some instances hinted
that they had been purchased with British gold. Indignation meetings
were called, but after much sound and fury, it was ascertained that the
people really favored abiding by the treaty in good faith, and finally
the House, after more calm and able debates, passed the needed
legislation to carry out the treaty by a vote of 51 to 48.
In August, 1796, prior to the meeting of the Congressional caucus which
then placed candidates for the Presidency in nomination, Washington
issued his celebrated Farewell Address, in which he gave notice that he
would retire from public life at the expiration of his term. He had been
solicited to be a candidate for re-election (a third term) and told that
all the people could unite upon him—a statement which, without abating
one jot, our admiration for the man, would doubtless have been called in
question by the Republicans, who had become implacably hostile to his
political views, and who were encouraged to believe they could win
control of the Presidency, by their rapidly increasing power in the
House. Yet the address was everywhere received with marks of admiration.
Legislatures commended it by resolution and ordered it to be engrossed
upon their records; journals praised it, and upon the strength of its
plain doctrines the Federalists took new courage, and prepared to win in
the Presidential battle which followed. Both parties were plainly
arrayed and confident, and so close was the result that the leaders of
both were elected—John Adams, the nominee of the Federalists, to the
Presidency, and Thomas Jefferson, the nominee of the Republicans, to the
Vice-Presidency. The law which then obtained was that the candidate who
received the highest number of electoral votes, took the first place,
the next highest, the second. Thomas Pinckney of South Carolina was the
Federal nominee for Vice-President, and Aaron Burr of the Republicans.
Adams received 71 electoral votes, Jefferson 68, Pinckney 59, Burr 30,
scattering 48. Pinckney had lost 12 votes, while Burr lost 38—a loss of
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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