American politics (non-partisan) from the beginning to date : $b embodying a history of all the political parties, with their views and records on all important questions. Great speeches on all great issues, and tabulated history and chronological events.Cooper, Thomas V. (Thomas Valentine)
History
American politics (non-partisan) from the beginning to date : $b embodying a history of all the political parties, with their views and records on all important questions. Great speeches on all great issues, and tabulated history and chronological events.
Cooper, Thomas V. (Thomas Valentine)
Political parties -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
“From the fact that I have quoted a part of the inaugural address, it
must not be inferred that I repudiate any other part, the whole of which
I reaffirm, except so far as what I now say of the mails may be regarded
as a modification.”
We have given the above as not only fair but interesting samples of the
semi-official and official transactions and correspondence of the time.
To give more could not add to the interest of what is but a description
of the political situation.
The Border states and some others were “halting between two opinions.”
North Carolina at first voted down a proposition to secede by 46,671
for, to 47,333 against, but the secessionists called another convention
in May, the work of which the people ratified, the minority, however,
being very large.
Before Lincoln had entered office most of the Southern forts, arsenals,
docks, custom houses, etc., had been seized, and now that preparations
were being made for active warfare by the Confederacy, many officers of
the army and navy resigned or deserted, and joined it. The most notable
were General Robert E. Lee, who for a time hesitated as to his “duty,”
and General David E. Twiggs, the second officer in rank in the United
States Army, but who had purposely been placed by Secretary Floyd in
command of the Department of Texas to facilitate his joining the
Confederacy, which he intended to do from the beginning. All officers
were permitted to go, the administration not seeking to restrain any,
under the belief that until some open act of war was committed it ought
to remain on the defensive. This was wise political policy, for it did
more than all else to hold the Border States, the position of which
Douglas understood fully as well as any statesman of that hour. It is
remarked of Douglas (in Arnold’s “_History of Abraham Lincoln_”) that as
early as January 1, 1861, he said to General Charles Stewart, of New
York, who had made a New Year’s call at his residence in Washington, and
inquired, “What will be the result of the efforts of Jefferson Davis,
and his associates, to divide the Union?” “Rising, and looking,” says my
informant, “like one inspired, Douglas replied, ‘The cotton States are
making an effort to draw in the border States to their schemes of
secession, and I am but too fearful they will succeed. If they do
succeed, there will be the most terrible civil war the world has ever
seen, lasting for years.’ Pausing a moment, he exclaimed, ‘Virginia will
become a charnel house, but the end will be the triumph of the Union
cause. One of their first efforts will be to take possession of this
Capitol to give them prestige abroad, but they will never succeed in
taking it—the North will rise _en masse_ to defend it;—but Washington
will become a city of hospitals—the churches will be used for the sick
and wounded—even this house (Minnesota block, afterwards, and during the
war, the Douglas Hospital) may be devoted to that purpose before the end
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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