American politics (non-partisan) from the beginning to date : $b embodying a history of all the political parties, with their views and records on all important questions. Great speeches on all great issues, and tabulated history and chronological events. — John Shaqi
American politics (non-partisan) from the beginning to date : $b embodying a history of all the political parties, with their views and records on all important questions. Great speeches on all great issues, and tabulated history and chronological events.Cooper, Thomas V. (Thomas Valentine)
History
American politics (non-partisan) from the beginning to date : $b embodying a history of all the political parties, with their views and records on all important questions. Great speeches on all great issues, and tabulated history and chronological events.
Cooper, Thomas V. (Thomas Valentine)
Political parties -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
The Federalists in Congress seized upon this question as one upon which
they could make an aggressive war against Jefferson’s administration,
and resolutions were introduced asking information on the subject.
Jefferson, however, wisely avoided all entangling suggestions, and sent
Monroe to aid Livingston in effecting a purchase. The treaty was formed
in April, 1803, and submitted by Jefferson to the Senate in October
following. The Republicans rallied in favor of this scheme of
annexation, and claimed that it was a constitutional right in the
government to acquire territory—a doctrine widely at variance with their
previous position, but occasions are rare where parties quarrel with
their administrations on pivotal measures. There was also some latitude
here for endorsement, as the direct question of territorial acquisition
had not before been presented, but only hypothetically stated in the
constitutional disputations then in great fashion. Jefferson would not
go so far as to say that the constitution warranted the acquisition to
foreign territory, but the scheme was nevertheless his, and he stood in
with his friends in the political battle which followed.
The Federalists claimed that we had no power to acquire territory, and
that the acquirement of Louisiana would give the South a preponderance
which would “continue for all time (poor prophets they!), since southern
would be more rapid than northern development;” that states created west
of the Mississippi would injure the commerce of New England, and they
even went so far as to say that the “admission of the Western World into
the Union would compel the Eastern States to establish an eastern
empire.” Doubts were also raised as to the right of Louisianians, when
admitted to citizenship under our laws, as their lineage, language and
religion were different from our own. Its inhabitants were French and
descendants of French, with some Spanish creoles, Americans, English and
Germans—in all about 90,000, including 40,000 slaves. There were many
Indians of course, in a territory then exceeding a million of square
miles—a territory which, in the language of First Consul Napoleon,
“strengthens forever the power of the United States, and which will give
to England a maritime rival that will sooner or later humble her
pride”—a military view of the change fully justified by subsequent
history. Napoleon sold because of needed preparations for war with
England, and while he had previously expressed a willingness to take
fifty million francs for it, he got sixty through the shrewd diplomacy
of his ministers, who hid for the time their fear of the capture of the
port of New Orleans by the English navy.
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