American politics (non-partisan) from the beginning to date : $b embodying a history of all the political parties, with their views and records on all important questions. Great speeches on all great issues, and tabulated history and chronological events.Cooper, Thomas V. (Thomas Valentine)
History
American politics (non-partisan) from the beginning to date : $b embodying a history of all the political parties, with their views and records on all important questions. Great speeches on all great issues, and tabulated history and chronological events.
Cooper, Thomas V. (Thomas Valentine)
Political parties -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
Mississippi and Illinois were admitted to the Union during the “Era of
Good Feeling,” without serious political disturbance, while Alabama was
authorized to form a state constitution and government, and Arkansas was
authorized as a separate territorial government from part of Missouri.
In 1819 President Monroe made a tour through the Southern States to
examine their defenses and see and get acquainted with the people. From
the first inauguration of Monroe up to 1819 party lines can hardly be
said to have existed, but in the sixteenth session of Congress, which
continued until May, 1820, new questions of national interest arose,
prominent among which were additional protective duties for our
manufactures; internal improvements by the government; acknowledgments
of the independence of the South American States.
The Monroe Doctrine.
Upon the question of recognizing the independence of the South American
States, the President made a record which has ever since been quoted and
denominated “The Monroe Doctrine.” It is embodied in the following
abstract of his seventh annual message, under date of Dec. 2d, 1823:
“It was stated, at the commencement of the last session, that a great
effort was then making in Spain and Portugal to improve the condition of
the people of those countries, and that it appeared to be conducted with
extraordinary moderation. It need scarcely be remarked that the result
has been, so far, very different from what was then anticipated. Of
events in that quarter of the globe, with which we have so much
intercourse, and from which we derive our origin, we have always been
anxious and interested spectators. The citizens of the United States
cherish sentiments the most friendly in favor of the liberty and
happiness of their fellow-men on that side of the Atlantic. In the wars
of the European powers, in matters relating to themselves, we have never
taken any part nor does it comport with our policy to do so. It is only
when rights are invaded or seriously menaced, that we resent injuries,
or make preparation for our defense. With the movements in this
hemisphere we are of necessity more immediately connected, and by causes
which must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial observers. The
political system of the allied powers is essentially different in this
respect from that of America. This difference proceeds from that which
exists in their respective governments. And to the defense of our own,
which has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure, and
matured by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and under
which we have enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted.
We owe it, therefore, to candor, and to the amicable relations existing
between the United States and those powers, to declare, that we should
consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion
of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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