American politics (non-partisan) from the beginning to date : $b embodying a history of all the political parties, with their views and records on all important questions. Great speeches on all great issues, and tabulated history and chronological events. — John Shaqi
American politics (non-partisan) from the beginning to date : $b embodying a history of all the political parties, with their views and records on all important questions. Great speeches on all great issues, and tabulated history and chronological events.Cooper, Thomas V. (Thomas Valentine)
History
American politics (non-partisan) from the beginning to date : $b embodying a history of all the political parties, with their views and records on all important questions. Great speeches on all great issues, and tabulated history and chronological events.
Cooper, Thomas V. (Thomas Valentine)
Political parties -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
The passage of the Stamp Act in 1765 caused high excitement, and for the
first time parties began to take definite shape and manifest open
antagonisms, and the words Whig and Tory then had a plainer meaning in
America than in England. The Stamp Act was denounced by the Whigs as
direct taxation, since it provided, that stamps previously paid for
should be affixed to all legal papers. The colonies resented, and so
general were the protests that for a time it seemed that only those who
owed their livings to the Crown, or expected aid and comfort from it,
remained with the Tories. The Whigs were the patriots. The war for the
rights of the colonies began in 1775, and it was supported by majorities
in all of the Colonial Assemblies. These majorities were as carefully
organized then as now to promote a popular cause, and this in the face
of adverse action on the part of the several Colonial Governors. Thus in
Virginia, Lord Dunmore had from time to time, until 1773, prorogued the
Virginia Assembly, when it seized the opportunity to pass resolves
instituting a committee of correspondence, and recommending joint action
by the legislatures of the other colonies. In the next year, the same
body, under the lead of Henry, Randolph, Lee, Washington, Wythe and
other patriots, officially deprecated the closing of the port of Boston,
and set apart a day to implore Divine interposition in behalf of the
colonies. The Governor dissolved the House for this act, and the
delegates, 89 in number, repaired to a tavern, organized themselves into
a committee, signed articles of association, and advised with other
colonial committees the expediency of “appointing deputies to meet in a
general correspondence”—really a suggestion for a Congress. The idea of
a Congress, however, originated with Doctor Franklin the year before,
and it had then been approved by town meetings in Providence, Boston and
New York. The action of Virginia lifted the proposal above individual
advice and the action of town meetings, and called to it the attention
of all the colonial legislatures. It was indeed fortunate in the
incipiency of these political movements, that the people were
practically unanimous. Only the far-seeing realized the drift and
danger, while nearly all could join their voices against oppressive
taxes and imposts.
The war went on for colonial rights, the Whigs wisely insisting that
they were willing to remain as colonists if their rights should be
guaranteed by the mother country; the Tories, chiefly fed by the Crown,
were willing to remain without guarantee—a negative position, and one
which in the high excitement of the times excited little attention, save
where the holders of such views made themselves odious by the enjoyment
of high official position, or by harsh criticism upon, or treatment of
the patriots.
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