Americanization; Civics; Immigrants -- United States; Naturalization -- United States; Noncitizens -- United States
The subject is one much talked about--especially since the
beginning of the World War--and little understood save by those
who administer, or who in some way profit by, the operation, the
shortcomings, and confusions of the existing law and the system which
has grown up under it. That system is handicapped and beclouded by
public indifference and by the survival of ancient attitudes and
limitations, and bedeviled by the theories and prejudices of persons
and interests who, innocently or willfully--often with impeccable
intentions--stand in the way of progress or adhere for various
reasons to ideas and methods long since outgrown, or in the light of
to-day actively mischievous.
THESE ARE OUR VOTERS!
It is a current fashion of unthinking persons, contemplating the
seething masses of immigrants congested in our cities and in certain
rural sections, beholding the polyglot store signs and newspapers,
sensing the existence of languages, manners, and customs unfamiliar
and perhaps grotesque and even outrageous to their own habits and
ideas of propriety, and reflecting vaguely upon the real and supposed
evils of our political methods and machinery, to exclaim:
“And these are the people who corrupt our politics! These are the
voters who elect our presidents!”
Many who should know better indulge in such absurdities, and even
cite statistics to support them. A characteristic manner of reasoning
would read something like this:
“In 1910 there were 13,000,000 foreign-born persons in the United
States, and only a little more than 3,000,000 of them were
naturalized!”
Leaving the unreflecting hearer to forget that of the 13,000,000
only about half (6,646,817) were males of twenty-one years and over;
that more than half a million (570,772) had declared their intention
to become citizens; that there was no report as to the citizenship
of more than 775,000; so that the alien population of voting age,
and of the then voting sex, known to be unnaturalized, was only
about one-sixth of the total foreign born, or 2,266,535. This was
bad enough in all conscience, and the Woman-Suffrage Amendment to
the Constitution of the United States certainly has aggravated it,
since through it married immigrant women were made possible voters
through the naturalization of their husbands. But nothing can be
gained by exaggerating the facts, or constructing mare’s nests by
inferences from false assumptions. It is worth while to examine the
conditions, to observe the extent to which the foreign born actually
do participate in our political processes, and on the basis of such
facts as are available, to judge the effect that foreign birth does
tend to have upon the quality of that participation.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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