An Account of the Proceedings on the Trial of Susan B. Anthony, on the Charge of Illegal Voting, at the Presidential Election in Nov., 1872, and on the Trial of Beverly W. Jones, Edwin T. Marsh, and William B. Hall, the Inspectors of Election by Whom Her Vote was Received. — John Shaqi
An Account of the Proceedings on the Trial of Susan B. Anthony, on the Charge of Illegal Voting, at the Presidential Election in Nov., 1872, and on the Trial of Beverly W. Jones, Edwin T. Marsh, and William B. Hall, the Inspectors of Election by Whom Her Vote was Received.Anonymous
History
An Account of the Proceedings on the Trial of Susan B. Anthony, on the Charge of Illegal Voting, at the Presidential Election in Nov., 1872, and on the Trial of Beverly W. Jones, Edwin T. Marsh, and William B. Hall, the Inspectors of Election by Whom Her Vote was Received.
Anonymous
Anthony, Susan B. (Susan Brownell), 1820-1906 -- Trials, litigation, etc.; Election law -- United States; Women -- Suffrage -- United States
The only alleged ground of illegality of the defendant's vote is that
she is a woman. If the same act had been done by her brother under the
same circumstances, the act would have been not only innocent, but
honorable and laudable; but having been done by a woman it is said to be
a crime. The crime therefore consists not in the act done, but in the
simple fact that the person doing it was a woman and not a man. I
believe this is the first instance in which a woman has been arraigned
in a criminal court, merely on account of her sex.
If the advocates of female suffrage had been allowed to choose the point
of attack to be made upon their position, they could not have chosen it
more favorably for themselves; and I am disposed to thank those who have
been instrumental in this proceeding, for presenting it in the form of a
criminal prosecution.
Women have the same interest that men have in the establishment and
maintenance of good government; they are to the same extent as men
bound to obey the laws; they suffer to the same extent by bad laws, and
profit to the same extent by good laws; and upon principles of equal
justice, as it would seem, should be allowed equally with men, to
express their preference in the choice of law-makers and rulers. But
however that may be, no greater _absurdity_, to use no harsher term,
could be presented, than that of rewarding men and punishing women, for
the same act, _without giving to women any voice in the question which
should be rewarded, and which punished_.
I am aware, however, that we are here to be governed by the Constitution
and laws as they are, and that if the defendant has been guilty of
violating the law, she must submit to the penalty, however unjust or
absurd the law may be. But courts are not required to so interpret laws
or constitutions as to produce either absurdity or injustice, so long as
they are open to a more reasonable interpretation. This must be my
excuse for what I design to say in regard to the propriety of female
suffrage, because with that propriety established there is very little
difficulty in finding sufficient warrant in the constitution for its
exercise.
This case, in its legal aspects, presents three questions, which I
purpose to discuss.
1. Was the defendant legally entitled to vote at the election in
question?
2. If she was not entitled to vote, but believed that she was, and voted
in good faith in that belief, did such voting constitute a crime under
the statute before referred to?
3. Did the defendant vote in good faith in that belief?
If the first question be decided in accordance with my views, the other
questions become immaterial; if the second be decided adversely to my
views, the first and third become immaterial. The two first are
questions of law to be decided by the court, the other is a question for
the jury.
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