An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy (Vol. 1 of 2): Being an essay on the science of domestic policy in free nations. In which are particularly considered population, agriculture, trade, industry, money, coin, interest, circulation, banks, exchange, public credit, and taxesSteuart, James, Sir
History
An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy (Vol. 1 of 2): Being an essay on the science of domestic policy in free nations. In which are particularly considered population, agriculture, trade, industry, money, coin, interest, circulation, banks, exchange, public credit, and taxes
Steuart, James, Sir
Economics
would starve the old; or a third case, more probable than either, would
happen, the rich would starve the poor. What would be the consequences
in all these three suppositions? In the first, the number of 6,000,000
would be found to diminish; because the proportion of large consumers
would rise, and mortality would increase among the children. In the
second, the standard number would augment, because the proportion of
small consumers would rise, and mortality would increase among the
parents. In the third, numbers would remain pretty much the same, but
misery and distress would lay all the lower classes waste. It is
computed that one half of mankind die before the age of puberty in
countries where numbers do not augment; from this I conclude, that too
many are born. If methods therefore are fallen upon to render certain
diseases less mortal to children, all the good that will be got by it,
in general, will be to render old people of the lower classes more
wretched; for if the first are brought to live, the last must die.
From these speculations I cannot help wishing to see bills of mortality
made out for different classes, as well as for different ages. Were this
executed it would be an easy matter to perceive, whether the mortality
among children proceeds from diseases to which infancy is necessarily
exposed, or from abusive procreation. I am pretty much convinced before
I see the experiment, that it proceeds from the latter; but should
experience prove it, the principles I have laid down would acquire an
additional force. In the mean time, I must conclude, that it is not for
want of marrying that a people does not increase, but from the want of
subsistence; and it is miserable and abusive procreation which starves
one half of the whole, and is the fountain of so much wretchedness.
Upon the whole, I may say, that were it possible to get a view of the
general state of births and burials in every class of the inhabitants of
a country, marriage might surely be put upon a better footing than ever
it has been, for providing a determined number of good and wholesome
recruits every year towards national multiplication. This is walking in
the light, and is a means of procuring whatever augmentation of hands
you wish for. What difficulties may be found in the execution, nothing
but experience can shew; and this, to a judicious eye, will point out
the remedy. In my opinion, this will be far better than a general
naturalization, which I take to be a leap in the dark. For however easy
it may be to naturalize men, I believe nothing is so difficult as to
naturalize customs and foreign habits; and the greatest blessing any
nation can enjoy, is an uniformity of opinion upon every point which
concerns public affairs and the administration of them. When God blesses
a people, he makes them unanimous, and bestows upon them a governor who
loves them, and who is beloved, honoured and respected by them; this,
and this only, can create unanimity.
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