An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy (Vol. 2 of 2): Being an essay on the science of domestic policy in free nations. In which are particularly considered population, agriculture, trade, industry, money, coin, interest, circulation, banks, exchange, public credit, and taxesSteuart, James, Sir
General
An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy (Vol. 2 of 2): Being an essay on the science of domestic policy in free nations. In which are particularly considered population, agriculture, trade, industry, money, coin, interest, circulation, banks, exchange, public credit, and taxes
Steuart, James, Sir
Economics
Wherever this grand balance is transacted, the exchangers residing in
the place will have recourse to the bank there established; and if there
be more than one, that which pays with the greatest readiness will have
the best credit, the most notes in circulation, and the largest profits
upon the whole. If any one is found slow, or difficult in paying its
paper, exchangers will be the more punctual in making their demand for
payment, and they will even be averse to receiving such notes from their
correspondents.
Every man who has occasion for credit from a bank, will apply to that
whose notes are the most esteemed. In short, there will be profit, in
the main, to the bank which pays the best, although I allow that at
particular times there may be some additional inconveniences, unless a
regular plan be laid down on the principles above deduced.
This however is a vague reasoning; because the matter of fact is not
known. All that can be said with certainty, is, that while no public
regulation is made with regard to banking, every one will carry on the
trade according to his views of profit; and private animosities between
different companies, will only tend to distress the nation and
themselves, as experience has, I believe, discovered.
If, as matters stand, a very great inconvenience results to Scotland
from the want of a communication of paper credit with England, and if
thereby an exchange of 4 and even 5 _per cent._ has been paid for bills
upon London, because all the coin of the country is locked up in banks;
I ask what would be the consequence, if banks had their will in
banishing from the circulation of their own district, every other notes
but their own? In that case, we might, in a short time, find an exchange
of 4 and 5 _per cent._ between Fife and Lothian, between Glasgow and
Ayr, and so of the rest. What would then become of manufacturers, who
could not dispose of their work at the distance of a few miles, without
having recourse to exchangers for their payment? If such an abuse were
once allowed to creep in, there would be no other remedy but to destroy
banks altogether, and throw the little coin there is into circulation.
On the other hand, when banks are in a good understanding, when they are
established on solid principles, when their paper is issued on proper
security, the public is safe; and in every little district, under the
wings of their own bank, there will arise a set of exchangers, who will
give credit to merchants and manufacturers, and who will have recourse
to their own bank for the coin or bills necessary for their occasions.
This will naturally divide the payment of the grand balance among them,
in a due proportion to their circulation.
I shall now consider the principles which may direct a statesman to
settle banking upon mortgage on a proper footing, to serve every
national purpose.
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