An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy (Vol. 2 of 2): Being an essay on the science of domestic policy in free nations. In which are particularly considered population, agriculture, trade, industry, money, coin, interest, circulation, banks, exchange, public credit, and taxesSteuart, James, Sir
General
An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy (Vol. 2 of 2): Being an essay on the science of domestic policy in free nations. In which are particularly considered population, agriculture, trade, industry, money, coin, interest, circulation, banks, exchange, public credit, and taxes
Steuart, James, Sir
Economics
The sale of the last coined actions taking place at 1000 livres each, so
great a rise seems to have engaged the Regent to extend his views much
farther than ever. To say that he foresaw what was to happen, would be
doing him the greatest injustice. He foresaw it not, most certainly; for
no man could foresee such complicated events. But had he conducted
himself upon solid principles; or by the rules which, we now say, common
honesty required, he certainly never would have countenanced the
subsequent operation.
The fourth creation of actions was in the beginning of September 1719.
In the interval between the third and the fourth creation, the Regent
made over the general farms to the company, who paid three millions and
a half advanced rent for them. And the company obliged themselves to
lend the King (including the 100 millions already lent upon the first
creation of actions) the immense sum of 1600 millions at 3 _per cent._
that is, for 48 millions interest. Now it is very plain, that before the
month of September 1719, it was impossible they could lend the King so
great a sum.
They had already lent him, in September 1718, 100 millions, by taking
the _billets d’etat_ for the subscription of the first creation of
actions; the second creation had produced coin, laid out in mercantile
preparations; and the third creation of actions, at the standard value,
was worth no more than 50 millions of livres: this was their whole
stock. Where then could they find 1500 millions more to lend?
I therefore conclude, that at this time, the combination which I am now
to unfold, must have, more or less, taken place between the Regent and
this great company.
The public was abundantly imbibed with the notion of the prodigious
profits of the company, before they got possession of the general farms.
No sooner had they got that new source of riches into their hands, than
they promised a dividend of no less than 200 livres on every action,
which was ten times more than was divided on them when at first created.
The consequence of this was, that (supposing the dividend permanent and
secure) an action _then_ became as well worth 5000 livres as at _first_
it was worth 500 livres; accordingly to 5000 did it rise, upon the
promise of the new dividends.
But what could be the motive of the company to promise this dividend,
only three months after their establishment? Surely, not the profits
upon a trade which was not as yet opened. Surely, not the profits upon
the King’s farms; for these profits it was greatly their interest to
conceal.
Their views lay deeper. The Regent perceived that the spirit of the
nation was too much inflamed, to suffer them to enter into an
examination of the wonderful phænomena arising from the establishment of
the bank, and company of the Indies. If the company promised 200 livres
dividend, the public concluded that their profits would enable them to
pay it; and really in this particular the public might be excused.
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