An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy (Vol. 2 of 2): Being an essay on the science of domestic policy in free nations. In which are particularly considered population, agriculture, trade, industry, money, coin, interest, circulation, banks, exchange, public credit, and taxesSteuart, James, Sir
General
An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy (Vol. 2 of 2): Being an essay on the science of domestic policy in free nations. In which are particularly considered population, agriculture, trade, industry, money, coin, interest, circulation, banks, exchange, public credit, and taxes
Steuart, James, Sir
Economics
But alas! there was not the least shadow of justice in this operation;
because long before the _visa_ was established, most of the grounds of
those debts had circulated from hand to hand, under the greatest
discredit: so that the real sufferers were then beyond the reach of the
indemnity offered; and the usurers and brokers who had bought them up,
were those who made fortunes by them. The Cardinal’s plan of paying at
the selling price, would have proved, _in this particular case_, more
rational, and more according to equity, than any other: so greatly do
circumstances influence our decisions in all political matters!
By the _visa_, the 600 millions were reduced to 250 millions, and put at
4 _per cent._ like all the other debts. No plan was proposed at first
for paying off the capitals; but a sum was appropriated, though very ill
paid, for discharging the interest. We have discussed sufficiently the
famous operations of the Missisippi; by which an attempt was made to
throw the whole national debt on the company of the Indies; and we have
seen how it succeeded.
The distance, therefore, of Richlieu’s time, from Davenant’s, occasions
very little deception in comparing the principles of French and English
credit: and when we come to examine the present state of that question,
I am afraid we shall find, in France, enough of the old system still
remaining, to verify my observation, that the French have the advantage
in paying their debts; the English, in contracting them. Where the
balance of advantage may lie, will be the subject of more speculation.
The first essential difference I find between the credit of France and
that of England, in the two periods we are considering, relates to the
_coin_. In the first, the value of _it_ had been very well preserved: no
considerable alteration had been made upon _it_, from 1602 to 1636, that
the Cardinal raised the denomination of the marc of fine silver, from 22
livres to 27 livres 10 sols, as has been said. Whereas from the
revolution, until the establishment of the bank in 1695, the _coin_ had
suffered in England a debasement, from clipping, of near 50 _per cent._
This circumstance, more than any other, affected the credit of England,
and increased the expence of King William’s war. In Richlieu’s time,
circulation and trade had made more progress in France than in England
at the time Davenant lived. The revenue left by Henry the Fourth was
double to that of England at the revolution: and, in general, the income
of the Kings of France had far exceeded that of the Kings of England,
for many reigns before that of the great Henry. Borrowing also, upon a
fixed and permanent interest, had been known in France so far back as
Francis the First.
That Prince was the first, I find, who contracted a regular debt, at
perpetual interest, upon the town-house of Paris, at about 8 _per cent._
when the legal interest in England, under his contemporary Henry the
Eighth, was 10 _per cent._
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