An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy (Vol. 2 of 2): Being an essay on the science of domestic policy in free nations. In which are particularly considered population, agriculture, trade, industry, money, coin, interest, circulation, banks, exchange, public credit, and taxesSteuart, James, Sir
General
An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy (Vol. 2 of 2): Being an essay on the science of domestic policy in free nations. In which are particularly considered population, agriculture, trade, industry, money, coin, interest, circulation, banks, exchange, public credit, and taxes
Steuart, James, Sir
Economics
The predecessor of Francis, Louis XII. had of gross revenue, charged
with his debts, which eat up near one half, above 2,500,000_l._
sterling. Dutot, Reflex. Pol. Vol. I. p. 204. Francis I. left to his
successor in 1546, a gross revenue of 2,685,314_l._ sterling, and of
nett income 2,287,998_l._ according to Dutot and M. de Sulli.
Under Henry II. and Francis II. the gross revenue stood at about
2,618,000_l._ sterling.
Under Charles the IXth, I have not been able to discover any thing which
can be relied upon: but his successor Henry III. according to Sulli,
had, in 1581, a revenue of 3,250,000_l._ sterling, and left only about
16 millions of livres of debt, which was no great sum.
To this Henry IV. succeeded; and by the capacity and unwearied
application of his great minister M. de Sulli, it was raised to above
six millions sterling, at the beginning of the reign of Louis XIII. This
revenue, by his wars and expences, was left greatly incumbered; but
still the taxes were established which brought it in; and so early in
the reign of his successor Louis XIV. as the year 1683, his revenue
extended to no less than 9,182,914_l._ sterling, according to Dutot.
Reflex. Pol. Vol. II. p. 256[22].
Footnote 22:
These sums are all converted into sterling, according to the value of
the French livre at the different periods here mentioned.
Let any man, acquainted in the least with the history of England,
examine the fixed revenue there, under Henry VII. and VIII. Edward,
Mary, and Elizabeth, and their successors, down to the revolution; and
they will evidently see the great disproportion of wealth, proceeding
from taxes, in the one and the other kingdom.
From these facts I conclude, that debts and taxes in France were much
more familiarly known in Richlieu’s time, than possibly they could be in
England when Davenant wrote.
Public credit had long grown up in that kingdom, under the hard
influence of regal power: whereas in this it had sprung up lately, under
the protection of liberty, and a most limited authority.
To that cause I ascribe the difference we find between the principles of
English and French credit; and to an effect similar to the cause I
ascribe the gigantic steps by which Britain has outstripped her powerful
rival in the establishment of her credit, since the beginning of this
century.
It is folly to prophecy, I know; but I may be allowed to conjecture,
that the same causes which have raised the credit of this nation to such
an amazing height, will either force the French from their old
principles, or they will, some time or other, bury her credit in the
dust.
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