An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy (Vol. 2 of 2): Being an essay on the science of domestic policy in free nations. In which are particularly considered population, agriculture, trade, industry, money, coin, interest, circulation, banks, exchange, public credit, and taxes — John Shaqi
An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy (Vol. 2 of 2): Being an essay on the science of domestic policy in free nations. In which are particularly considered population, agriculture, trade, industry, money, coin, interest, circulation, banks, exchange, public credit, and taxesSteuart, James, Sir
General
An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy (Vol. 2 of 2): Being an essay on the science of domestic policy in free nations. In which are particularly considered population, agriculture, trade, industry, money, coin, interest, circulation, banks, exchange, public credit, and taxes
Steuart, James, Sir
Economics
An example will make this plain. Suppose two markets in a country, where
paper does not circulate; that 1000 people come to the one to sell, in
order to buy; that 500 resort to the other, with an intention only to
sell, and 500 others only to buy. In the last example, it is evident,
that there must be brought to market, in specie, the price of all the
goods offered to sale, or else a part must remain unsold: but in the
first case, a much smaller proportion will suffice; because no sooner
has any one sold the goods he has, than he buys from another what he has
occasion for; and so the same money circulates from hand to hand, so
much, that if we suppose every one of the thousand persons to sell for
the precise value of what he buys, every man will carry home the same
sum of money he had in his pocket on coming to market. Those who begin
by selling, will carry home their own coin; those who begin with buying,
will replace what they had with the coin of other people.
In proportion, therefore, to the trucks of commodities for commodities,
money is the less necessary; and in proportion as people sell, in order
to realize, coin is the more necessary. When hoarding was in fashion,
and when lending upon interest was little known, had alienation been as
frequent as at present, the total of coin must have been much greater.
At present no body hoards, where lending at interest is lawful, except
in nations where credit is precarious. This was the case in England
about 1695, and is perhaps the case at present in France[2]. Hoarding
from this motive is more hurtful than from any other: because, at the
same time that it deprives the public of a circulating value, by
preventing the lending of the coin of the nation, it also prevents
bullion from being lent by neighbouring states, and from being carried
to the mint by those who have it at home. Whereas hoarding from avarice
has none of these inconveniences; and when credit is good, there will
always be found coin sufficient; because a demand for it will always
procure it.
[Sidenote: Just as we can estimate a man’s estate by the weight of his
purse.]
Why is there so little coin in England, in proportion to what there is
in France? Does any man imagine that this is a mark of poverty? By no
means. Let the state proscribe the currency of paper money, the coin
will quickly return; because then it will be demanded. But at present
the paper supplies its place, and so it goes abroad in order to gain
more; whereas in France it remains at home, and produces nothing. The
wealth of a nation can no more be estimated by the quantity of its coin,
than the wealth of private people by the weight of their purse. Were a
person, from that circumstance, to calculate the wealth of the British
courtiers, assembled at the Groom Porter’s, he would find himself
grossly deceived in his conclusions.
Footnote 2:
In 1760.
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Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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