Anarchy and Anarchists: A History of the Red Terror and the Social Revolution in America and Europe; Communism, Socialism, and Nihilism in Doctrine and in Deed; The Chicago Haymarket Conspiracy and the Detection and Trial of the ConspiratorsSchaack, Michael J.
History
Anarchy and Anarchists: A History of the Red Terror and the Social Revolution in America and Europe; Communism, Socialism, and Nihilism in Doctrine and in Deed; The Chicago Haymarket Conspiracy and the Detection and Trial of the Conspirators
We answer: Because we will not compromise. Either our position that
capitalists have no right to the exclusive ownership of the means
of life is a true one, or it is not. If we are correct, then to
concede the point that capitalists have the right to eight hours of
our labor, is more than a compromise; it is a virtual concession
that the wage system is right. If capitalists have the right to own
labor or to control the results of labor, then clearly we have no
business dictating the terms upon which we may be employed. We cannot
say to our employers, “Yes, we acknowledge your right to employ us;
we are satisfied that the wage system is all right, but we, your
slaves, propose to dictate the terms upon which we will work.” How
inconsistent! And yet that is exactly the position of our eight-hour
friends. They presume to dictate to capital, while they maintain the
justness of the capitalistic system; they would regulate wages while
defending the claims of the capitalists to the absolute control of
industry.
These sentiments were frequently reiterated by A. R. Parsons, who was
the editor of the _Alarm_; and in August Spies he found an energetic
ally. Among other things Spies said concerning the movement:
We do not antagonize the eight-hour movement. Viewing it from the
standpoint that it is a social struggle, we simply predict that it
is a lost battle, and we will prove that, even though the eight-hour
system should be established at this late day, the wage-workers would
gain nothing. They would still remain the slaves of their masters.
Suppose the hours of labor should be shortened to eight, our
productive capacity would thereby not be diminished. The shortening of
the hours of labor in England was immediately followed by a general
increase of labor-saving machines, with a subsequent discharge of a
proportionate number of employés. The reverse of what had been sought
took place. The exploitation of those at work was intensified. They
now performed more labor, and produced more than before.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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