Anarchy and Anarchists: A History of the Red Terror and the Social Revolution in America and Europe; Communism, Socialism, and Nihilism in Doctrine and in Deed; The Chicago Haymarket Conspiracy and the Detection and Trial of the ConspiratorsSchaack, Michael J.
History
Anarchy and Anarchists: A History of the Red Terror and the Social Revolution in America and Europe; Communism, Socialism, and Nihilism in Doctrine and in Deed; The Chicago Haymarket Conspiracy and the Detection and Trial of the Conspirators
The movement, however, took a firm hold of the laboring classes. They
saw in it a chance to secure more leisure, and, inspired by their
anti-Socialistic leaders, did all in their power to further it. There
were then in Chicago a great many unemployed, and under the plea that
a reduction in the hours of toil would not only give more time for
self-improvement, but necessitate the employment of many of the idle
throng, the leaders advocated its speedy introduction. At this time
the general sentiment prevailed that it was simply a movement for a
reduction in working-time, the question of wages not being involved.
Some few irresponsible talkers of the Socialistic stamp, it is true,
held out that it was to be a contention for wages as well, but the most
influential and conservative representatives of labor insisted that
they only wanted eight hours’ work for eight-hours’ pay. Grand Master
Workman Powderly held to the latter view and repeatedly urged the
members of the Knights of Labor not to go beyond that demand. He even
intimated a doubt if it were the part of wisdom and policy to undertake
at the time a strike of the kind, in view of the complications then
growing out of the Missouri Pacific Railway—known as the Gould
system—“tie-up.” Traffic and industry had been seriously affected
throughout the West by Martin Irons’ stubbornness, and it is evident
that Powderly had his misgivings about the outcome of an eight-hour
strike. However, the leaders continued their agitation, and it was
decided that the resolution adopted in 1884 by a number of trades
organizations in national session for an eight-hour strike on May 1,
1886, should be carried out in Chicago, as in other large manufacturing
and trade centers. Had this simple proposition not been “loaded,” the
result of the movement might have been different, but, as the time drew
near, it became quite apparent that, despite Powderly’s warnings, the
question of wages was to cut a leading figure. It was developed that
the demand for a reduction of hours was to be accompanied with a demand
for the same wages as under the old ten-hour system. This was the rock
upon which they subsequently foundered. Had they been content to accept
decreased wages and relied upon increased efficiency and skill and the
logic of events to secure increased pay in the future, they might have
scored many victories, if not a complete success.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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