Anarchy and Anarchists: A History of the Red Terror and the Social Revolution in America and Europe; Communism, Socialism, and Nihilism in Doctrine and in Deed; The Chicago Haymarket Conspiracy and the Detection and Trial of the ConspiratorsSchaack, Michael J.
History
Anarchy and Anarchists: A History of the Red Terror and the Social Revolution in America and Europe; Communism, Socialism, and Nihilism in Doctrine and in Deed; The Chicago Haymarket Conspiracy and the Detection and Trial of the Conspirators
I have thus pointed to some facts bearing on strikes and wages because
it has since transpired that the Anarchists or Socialists, intent on
precipitating the “social revolution,” were the principal instigators
of the demand for ten hours’ pay for eight hours’ work, thereby hoping
to irritate the employers to determined resistance and the workingmen
of non-Socialistic ideas to the point of violence. Past experience was
cast aside under their clandestine guidance. While the movement was in
its infancy the Socialists, as such, held aloof, but, the moment they
saw that it was gaining strength and was likely to involve all the
wage-workers in the city, and that eight hours on a basis of reduced
pay might be secured, they perceived their opportunity to complicate
matters by the introduction of a demand for the old wages with reduced
time. This at once threw down the gauntlet. While before they had
opposed the movement, they now became active agitators in its behalf
and appeared more solicitous about its certain inauguration than they
were about its successful ending. Their organs bristled with incendiary
language. Their speakers could hardly find words strong enough to
fire their auditors in the demand for eight hours. They even got up
a procession under the auspices of the Central Labor Union, and, on
Sunday, April 25, 1886, paraded the streets with red flags and red
badges.
Among some of the mottoes displayed were: “The Social Revolution,”
“Workingmen, Arm Yourselves,” “Down with Throne, Altar and Moneybags,”
and “Might makes Right, and You are the Strongest.”
The procession massed on the Lake Front. There the leading speakers
were loud in encouraging the strike for eight hours. Parsons maintained
that “if the demands of workingmen were met by a universal lock-out,
the signal would be taken as one of ‘war, and war to the knife.’” Spies
declared that “the eight-hour day had been argued for twenty years. We
at last can hope to realize it.” Schwab and Fielden were alike emphatic.
The _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ likewise heartily indorsed the movement. In its
issue of April 26, 1886, appeared an editorial of which the following
is the concluding paragraph:
What a modest demand, the introduction of the eight-hour day! And
yet a corps of madmen could not demean themselves worse than the
capitalistic extortioners. They continually threaten with their
disciplined police and their strong militia,—and these are not empty
threats. This is proved by the history of the last few years. It is a
nice thing, this patience, and the laborer, alas! has too much of this
article; but one must not indulge in a too frivolous play with it. If
you go further, his patience will cease; then it will be no longer a
question of the eight-hour day, but a question of emancipation from
wage slavery.
In the same paper two days later the editor said:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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