The King was absent from the city at the time attending the marriage
festivities of the Earl of Mar, and an urgent request was sent to him by
the ministers of Edinburgh and his own Council to return and take steps
to bring the conspirators to justice. James, instead of thanking the
ministers and councillors for their diligence in the matter, blamed them
for their super-serviceableness, and so gave the impression that he was
in sympathy with the plot. Kerr himself, in a letter to the King, went
the length of saying that he and his friends had no doubt that they
would have his countenance in their enterprise; and Calderwood
says:--'It appeareth the chief conspirators have had his [the King's]
expresse or tacite consent, or at least have perceaved him inclyned that
way, whereupon they have presumed.' Events confirmed the suspicion, if
it wanted confirmation, of James's secret leanings to the party that had
been guilty of treason. Only one of them--Graham, the most insignificant
of their number--paid the penalty of his crime; Kerr and the Earl of
Angus escaped from prison with the connivance of the authorities;
Huntly, who had been summoned to stand trial before the Privy Council,
retired to his own territory and defied the Government, and it was only
when he could no longer resist the popular will that the King took
action against him. At the head of a considerable force, James set out
to seize him; but when the army reached Aberdeen it was found that the
Earl had retired further north to the Caithness moors. The subsequent
treatment of the rebel lords showed that the King had no heart in their
prosecution--indeed, in an unguarded moment, while conversing with one
of the few nobles who were reckoned friends of the Protestant cause,
Lord Hamilton, he let out this fact. Had it not been for the pressure
of the ministers, nothing would have been done. James trifled with the
business: he scolded and coaxed the ministers in turn; he threatened
them, and then gave way and promised to bring the offenders to trial,
but still made no move; he allowed the conspirators to appear in public
and to have interviews with himself in which he made it apparent that
they had little to fear at his hands; he tampered with his own law
officers in the traitors' interest; and through his influence with
Parliament they were virtually absolved and their forfeitures cancelled.
But the ministers were stronger and far more really representative of
the nation than the Parliament--a fact which markedly characterises this
long crucial period of Scottish history, and which must always be borne
in mind for a right understanding of events.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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