Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1760-1789; Satire; United States -- History -- Revolution, 1775-1783
Such, Sir, is the amendment which I have the honour to offer to the
consideration of this house. It will immediately strike you, Sir, that
in the accounts which I propose to have submitted to the investigation
of P[a]rl[ia]m[e]nt, I have avoided asking for one scrap of paper that
is not absolutely necessary to be seen and thoroughly studied by the
House. Should it, however, appear necessary to Gentlemen to _add_ to the
list of these official documents, I am sure I shall not oppose such an
improvement to the motion, to whatever quantity it may extend.
[Sidenote: Mr. G[eor]g[e] S[u]tt[o]n.]
Mr. _G[eo]rg[e] S[u]tt[o]n_ seconded the motion for the amendment,
beginning with a similar acknowledgement of his incapacity, his
inexperience and ignorance of P[a]rl[ia]m[e]nt[a]ry affairs; declining
therefore to enter into any further argument, the subject having been
discussed in so full and able a manner by his most noble cousin.
[Sidenote: Mr. W[e]lb[o]re Ell[i]s.]
Mr. _W[e]lb[o]re Ell[i]s_, in reply, threw out many sagacious and
novel observations. He said that he highly commended the caution and
circumspection of the noble Lord, but, that in his opinion, a more proper
time would arrive, about six months after Christmas, for entering into
the details proposed by the Amendment; as, at that period, Administration
would certainly have more leisure for furnishing the papers now called
for.
He very properly observed, that selecting these few curious articles of
political intelligence from a variety of miscellaneous papers, would
require some short time, together with no small degree of discernment,
not to mention several thousands of extra clerks. He said, he had taken
the trouble to make a most serious investigation into the Journals, the
Votes, the Debates, and all the P[a]rl[ia]m[e]nt[a]ry Records of this
country; and he was free to say, that notwithstanding it might at first
appear rather a novel idea, yet it was his opinion, that _The Address_ on
the first day was a matter of compliment. Nay, touching the matter before
him, (and weighty and powerful indeed it was) after the most mature and
serious deliberation, daily and nightly, he would for once venture to
hazard a rhetorical, a figurative expression, to wit, that the Address
was an eccho, as it were, a complimentary eccho, of his M[ajest]y’s most
gracious speech.—He hinted, that, if any Gentleman wished for particular
enquiries, he would, as an old Member, long conversant with the forms
of the House, tell him, that certainly a Committee might be appointed
to carry on any public enquiry; and he believed such Committees were
not unfrequent.—And here he remarked, that, from all his researches, it
appeared to him, that the constitution of this country was of a triple
nature—K[i]ng—L[o]rds—and C[o]mm[o]ns—that, these three opposite and
repelling powers, reciprocally ballanced and counteracted each other; at
the same time that they contributed to the proportion and harmony of the
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