Aristocracy & Evolution: A Study of the Rights, the Origin, and the Social Functions of the Wealthier ClassesMallock, W. H. (William Hurrell)
Science
Aristocracy & Evolution: A Study of the Rights, the Origin, and the Social Functions of the Wealthier Classes
Mallock, W. H. (William Hurrell)
Ability; Aristocracy (Social class); Social sciences
We have now looked at social evolution, as the product of both those
sets of causes—the “_external factors_” and the “_internal_”—by which
Mr. Spencer explains it, and have followed it, under both aspects,
from the earliest beginnings of progress to the dawn and development
of civilisation, such as history knows it. Our account of Mr.
Spencer’s theory of the ascent of man and society is necessarily very
incomplete; but the various conclusions mentioned in it may be said
to be exhaustively typical of the conclusions of social science as
Mr. Spencer conceives of it.
And now let us consider what the nature of those conclusions is.
We shall find that they are, one and all of them, conclusions with
regard to aggregates. All the phenomena with which they deal are
phenomena not of individuals, not of different classes, but of masses
of men, communities, races, nations, {40} the units of which are
regarded as being virtually so similar, that what is true of one is
virtually true of all. This similarity certainly is not imputed to
all mankind. Men are recognised as having been different in one epoch
from what they become in another, and one race and the inhabitants
of one climate as being different from other men differently born
and circumstanced. The primitive millions who could hardly walk
upright, and whose sexual relations resembled those of the animals,
are distinguished from their erect successors who married and lived
in families; and the strong and energetic races are distinguished
from their weaker contemporaries. But each of these aggregates is
regarded as a unit in itself. The conquering race which has grown
vigorous in dry regions, and the inferior race enslaved by it, which
has lost its strength in moist regions, are contrasted sharply
with each other; but neither is made the subject of any internal
division, nor treated as though the units composing it were not
virtually similar. Mr. Spencer of course admits (for this is one of
the fundamental parts of his philosophy) that these wholes, these
aggregates, progress through a constant differentiation of their
parts, different functions being performed by an increasing number
of groups; but the units who compose these groups, and whom he calls
the “_internal factors_,” are regarded by him as being congenitally
each a counterpart of the others; and their different functions and
their different acquired aptitudes are {41} regarded as the result
of different external circumstances which press into different moulds
one and the same material. Thus when the single group from which the
nation originally springs undergoes, as it becomes more numerous,
what Mr. Spencer calls the process of “fission,” and spreads itself
in search of food over an ever-extending area, new groups separate
not because they have different appetites, but because, having the
same appetites, they must satisfy them in different places by the
exercise of the same faculties. Division of labour, as we have seen,
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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