Armageddon—And AfterCourtney, W. L. (William Leonard)
Philosophy
Armageddon—And After
Courtney, W. L. (William Leonard)
Europe -- Politics and government; World War, 1914-1918 -- Causes
A patriot is a man who believes intensely in the rights
of his own nationality. But if we have to form a United States of Europe
we shall have gradually to soften, diminish, or perhaps even destroy the
narrower conceptions of patriotism. The ultimate evolution of democracy in
the various peoples means the mutual recognition of their common
interests, as against despotism and autocracy. It is clear that such a
process must gradually wipe out the distinction between the different
peoples, and substitute for particularism something of universal import.
In such a process what, we ask once more, becomes of the principle of
nationality, which is one of our immediate aims? In point of fact, it is
obvious that, from a strictly logical standpoint, the will of Europe, or
the public right of Europe, and the free independence of nationalities are
antithetical terms, and will continue to remain so, however cunningly, by
a series of compromises, we may conceal their essential divergence. That
is the real problem which confronts us quite as obstinately as it did our
forefathers after the destruction of the Napoleonic power. And it will
have to be faced by all reformers, whether they are pacifists or
idealists, on ethical or political grounds.
A MORAL FOR PACIFISTS
What is the outcome of the foregoing considerations? The only moral at
present which I am disposed to draw is one which may be addressed to
pacifists in general, and to all those who avail themselves of large and
generous phrases, such as "the public will of Europe," or "the common
consciousness of civilised states." The solution of the problem before us
is not to be gained by the use of abstract terms, but by very definite and
concrete experience used in the most practical way to secure immediate
reforms. We demand, for instance, the creation of what is to all intents
and purposes an international federal system applied to Europe at large.
Now it is obvious that a federal system can be created amongst nations
more or less at the same level of civilisation, inspired by much the same
ideals, acknowledging the same end of their political and social activity.
But in what sense is this true of Europe as we know it? There is every
kind of diversity between the constituent elements of the suggested
federation. There is no real uniformity of political institutions and
ideals. But in order that our object may be realised it is precisely this
uniformity of political institutions and ideals amongst the nations which
we require. How is a public opinion formed in any given state? It comes
into being owing to a certain community of sentiments, opinions, and
prejudices, and without such community it cannot develop. The same thing
holds true of international affairs. If we desiderate the public voice of
Europe, or the public conscience of Europe, Europe must grow to be far
more concordant than it is at present, both in actual political
institutions and in those inspiring ideals which form the life-blood of
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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