Aspects of Jewish power in the United States $b : volume IV of the International Jew, the world's foremost problem : being a reprint of a fourth selection from articles appearing in the Dearborn IndependentFord, Henry
General
Aspects of Jewish power in the United States $b : volume IV of the International Jew, the world's foremost problem : being a reprint of a fourth selection from articles appearing in the Dearborn Independent
Ford, Henry
Antisemitic literature; Jews -- United States; United States -- Ethnic relations
This glorification of the Jewish overthrow of Russia, it must be
remembered, occurred before the world knew what Bolshevism was, and
before it realized that the revolution meant the withdrawal of the whole
eastern front from the war. Russia was simply taken out of the war and
the Central Powers left free to devote their whole attention to the
western front. One of the resulting necessities was the immediate
entrance of America into the conflict, and the prolongation of the
hostilities for nearly two more years.
As the truth became known, Louis Marshall first defended, then
explained, then denied—his latest position being that the Jews are
against Bolshevism. He was brought to this position by the necessity of
meeting the testimony of eye-witnesses as given to congressional
investigation committees. This testimony came from responsible men whom
even Mr. Marshall could not dispose of with a wave of his hand, and as
time has gone on the testimony has increased to mountainous proportions
that _Bolshevism is Jewish in its origin, its method, its personnel and
its purpose_. Herman Bernstein, a member of Mr. Marshall’s American
Jewish Committee, has lately been preparing American public opinion for
a great anti-Semitic movement in Russia. Certainly, it will be an
anti-Semitic movement, because it will be anti-Bolshevist, and the
Russian people, having lived with the hybrid for five years, are not
mistaken as to its identity.
During the war, Mr. Marshall was the arch-protester. While Mr. Baruch
was running the war from the business end (“I probably had more power
than perhaps any other man did in the war; doubtless that is true”), Mr.
Marshall was running another side. We find him protesting because an
army officer gave him instructions as to his duties as a registration
official. It was Mr. Marshall who complained to the Secretary of War
that a certain camp contractor, after trying out carpenters, had
advertised for Christian carpenters only. It was to the discrimination
in print that Mr. Marshall chiefly objected, it may be surmised, since
it is the policy of his committee to make it impossible, or at least
unhealthy, to use print to call attention to the Jew.
It was Mr. Marshall who compelled a change in the instructions sent out
by the Provost Marshal General of the United States Army to the effect
that “the foreign-born, especially Jews, are more apt to malinger than
the native-born.” It is said that a Jewish medical officer afterward
confirmed this part of the instruction, saying that experience proved
it. Nevertheless, President Wilson ordered that the paragraph be cut
out.
It was Mr. Marshall who compelled the revision of the Plattsburg
Officers’ Training Manual. That valuable book rightly said that “the
ideal officer is a Christian gentleman.” Mr. Marshall wrote, wired,
demanded, and the edition was changed. It now reads that “the ideal
officer is a courteous gentleman,” a big drop in idealism.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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